Atrocities by JUDGES
S.O.S e
- Clarion Of Dalit - Weekly Newspaper On
Web
Working For The Rights
& Survival Of The Oppressed
Editor:
NAGARAJA.M.R… VOL.8
issue.11…… .12/03/2014
When a Judge Himself Commits Crime , When a POLICE Himself robs , Murders ….
In the rape
case of Ms.Nirbhaya committed last year in New Delhi , all the
accussed were from lower middle class background. So , the whole
society , media , police raised voiced against them and the guilty were
rightly prosecuted.
But
take the recent case of Supreme Court Judges accussed of sexual
offences Mr. A . S. GANGULY , Mr. SWATHANTER KUMAR or DGP SPS Rathore
involved in Ruchika case or some some Ministers , MLAs , MPs, the
media , society , police & Prosecuting judges are biased towards
the accussed. Because the accussed are rich & mighty , belong to
ruling elite class.
Are not the laws & it’s enforcements fair , equitable , just and same for one & all ?
The
public servants & the government must be role models in law abiding
acts , for others to emulate & follow. if a student makes a mistake
it is excusable & can be corrected by the teacher. if the teacher
himself makes a mistake , all his students will do the same mistake. if
a thief steals , he can be caught , legally punished & reformed .
if a police himself commits crime , many thieves go scot-free under his
patronage. even if a police , public servant commits a crime , he can
be legally prosecuted & justice can be sought by the aggrieved.
just
think , if a judge himself that too apex court of the land itself
commits crime - violations of RTI Act , constitutional rights &
human rights of public and obstructs the public from performing their
constitutional fundamental duties , what happens ?
it
gives a booster dose to the rich & mighty , those in power ,
criminals in public service to commit more crimes. that is exactly what
is happening in india. the educated public must raise to the occasion
& peacefully , democratically must oppose this criminalization of
judiciary , public service. then alone , we can build a RAM RAJYA OF
MAHATMA GANDHI'S DREAM.
I have
shown in the following attachment how justice is bought , purchased ,
manipulated in INDIA with actual cases. Just see the recent
examples of supreme court judges involved in sexual assault
case & ROOST Resort Mysore Sex scandal involving judges , if
any ordinary fellow had committed the same crimes he would have been
hauled over the coal fire. Just take another recent example of
Prisoner Movie actor sanjay dutt , TADA provisions were diluted by the
judge to favour him and now he is getting parole week after week
while the ordinary convicts never get a single parole throught their
sentence. What Brilliant Judges , what brilliant police sirji.
Editorial : PIL
- DEATH PENALTY RIGHT OR WRONG ? ABLOLISH DEATH PENALTY
- AN APPEAL TO H.E.Honourable PRESIDENT OF INDIA & HONOURABLE SUPREME COURT OF INDIA
WHY DO WE KILL PEOPLE WHO KILL PEOPLE TO
TELL PEOPLE THAT KILLING PEOPLE IS BAD ???
Just consider the following facts
persons convicted in rarest of rare cases that of Assassinating a former prime minister of
india are
commuted to life sentence & within hours released by state government of Tamil Nadu. Where as some convicts convicted in heinous
crimes but not heinous or rarest of rare like PM Rajiv Gandhi assassination were hanged without alternatives like commuting their sentances to life term.
Poor , tribal people in chattisgarh ,
Andhra Pradesh , Jharkhand & other states infested with terrorism /
naxalism (even
without any material incriminating evidences) are charged with charges like
giving food , cloth & medical aid to terrorists / naxalites, thereby waging war against the nation . Those poor
tribals are put behind bars and tried under draconian laws like TADA , POTA ,
MOCA , etc. Where as movie star Sanjay Dutt who knowing fully well the
intentions kept deadly arms in his house . Arms were given to him by master
minds of Mumbai attacks. Initially he was booked under TADA , then TADA charges
were dropped and awarded a lesser prison term than actually deserved. Further ,
he is getting paroles week after week which other ordinary prisoners are unable to get even
once.
Consider the case of Bhopal Gas Tragedy
, the company & top most officials were well aware of safety procedural
lapses in the Bhopal plant , still continued the operations. When the accident
happened slaughtering thousands & maiming lakhs of people , the government
first charged the head
of the company with charges of man slaughter. Afterwards , he was arrested but
stealthily facilitated to escape to his home country literally flown out by the
police , chief minister of the government. Subsequently chief Justice of India
dropped man slaughter charges against him & filed lenient charges against
him making the way for lenient punishment in future (JUDGEMENT FIXING). CJI benefitted from it ? Paradoxically after retirement , CJI
became head
of the trust controlling crores of rupees monitoring the rehabilitation of Bhopal gas victims.
In this context it is quite pertinent
to note that In India with money power , right political connections any crime
can be done & be scot free . In India Legal system is for Sale , Judicial
orders can be manipulated. The convict in a case may be an innocent without recourse to right
connections & legal
aid. So , one cann’t be 100% sure whether the death convict has actually
committed the crime. Prison sentence can
be reversed , if judgement is found
faulty but what if death sentence
is carried out on an innocent person ?
JUDGE is not god.
A criminal is not born, but made by
social circumstances. For the crime
scenario in India , every citizen of India is indirectly responsible.
Our present inefficient, corrupt legal system , is wholly dependent on
evidences which a rich criminal can create or destroy at his sweet
will. Police forcibly take confessions from the accussed , by applying
3rd degree torture methods. Some of the judges are literally auctioning
" judicial orders" for bribe. Due to all these reasons one cann't be
100% sure about one criminal's conviction. In such cases, capital
punishment will be unfair & inhuman. It must be made mandatory, in all
death penalty cases that polygraph, lie detector tests, etc must be
conducted on " death convicts " , to know whether they are innocent or
guilty inspite of hostile evidences. Fundamentally, the capital
punishment has failed
as a deterrent.
scenario in India , every citizen of India is indirectly responsible.
Our present inefficient, corrupt legal system , is wholly dependent on
evidences which a rich criminal can create or destroy at his sweet
will. Police forcibly take confessions from the accussed , by applying
3rd degree torture methods. Some of the judges are literally auctioning
" judicial orders" for bribe. Due to all these reasons one cann't be
100% sure about one criminal's conviction. In such cases, capital
punishment will be unfair & inhuman. It must be made mandatory, in all
death penalty cases that polygraph, lie detector tests, etc must be
conducted on " death convicts " , to know whether they are innocent or
guilty inspite of hostile evidences. Fundamentally, the capital
punishment has failed
as a deterrent.
The people who clamour for continuance
of death penalty are BIASED,
INHUMAN, BUTCHERS & CANIBALS. Why don't they ask for death penalty to
policemen, who murder people through 3rd degree torture, in lock-ups &
fake encounters ? why don't they ask for death penalty to corrupt
judges who sells judicial orders for bribe ? why don't they ask for
death penalty to builders who cause building collapses, resulting in
mass murders ? why don't they ask for death
penalty to corrupt government doctors who refuses to treat poor patient
without bribe, causing the murder of poor patient ? why don't they ask
for death penalty to industrialist/ traders who sell adulterated food
items, spurious drugs/ medicines, in turn causing mass murders ? why
don't they ask for death penalty to corrupt government officials , who
help criminals, industrialists? Why don't they ask for death penalty to
politicians who create communal & other riots, who have ties with
foreign intelligence agencies, terrorist outfits ? Why don't they ask
for death penalty to mole in the P.M.O & the senior officers of
National Security Council who passed on national secrets ? Why don't
they ask for death penalty to public servants , ministers who gave aid
, support to terrorist outfits like L.T.T.E out of government of india
coffers , killing hundreds of srilankans , tamils ?
INHUMAN, BUTCHERS & CANIBALS. Why don't they ask for death penalty to
policemen, who murder people through 3rd degree torture, in lock-ups &
fake encounters ? why don't they ask for death penalty to corrupt
judges who sells judicial orders for bribe ? why don't they ask for
death penalty to builders who cause building collapses, resulting in
mass murders ? why don't they ask for death
penalty to corrupt government doctors who refuses to treat poor patient
without bribe, causing the murder of poor patient ? why don't they ask
for death penalty to industrialist/ traders who sell adulterated food
items, spurious drugs/ medicines, in turn causing mass murders ? why
don't they ask for death penalty to corrupt government officials , who
help criminals, industrialists? Why don't they ask for death penalty to
politicians who create communal & other riots, who have ties with
foreign intelligence agencies, terrorist outfits ? Why don't they ask
for death penalty to mole in the P.M.O & the senior officers of
National Security Council who passed on national secrets ? Why don't
they ask for death penalty to public servants , ministers who gave aid
, support to terrorist outfits like L.T.T.E out of government of india
coffers , killing hundreds of srilankans , tamils ?
These are the guilty persons ,
criminals who don't personally ,
directly murder human beings but cunningly murder hundreds which go
unnoticed by any. For the person who barbarically murders one human
being you prescribe CAPITAL PUNISHMENT but for those who murder
hundreds you say nothing why ? THEY WON'T ASK FOR IT, BECAUSE MOST OF
THE PERSONS WHO ARE DEMANDING DEATH PENALTY ARE BIASED, SELFISH &
BELONG TO ONE OF THE SECTIONS OF CRIMINALS MENTIONED ABOVE. They lack
objectivity.
directly murder human beings but cunningly murder hundreds which go
unnoticed by any. For the person who barbarically murders one human
being you prescribe CAPITAL PUNISHMENT but for those who murder
hundreds you say nothing why ? THEY WON'T ASK FOR IT, BECAUSE MOST OF
THE PERSONS WHO ARE DEMANDING DEATH PENALTY ARE BIASED, SELFISH &
BELONG TO ONE OF THE SECTIONS OF CRIMINALS MENTIONED ABOVE. They lack
objectivity.
Death penalty is the ultimate . cruel ,
inhuman and degrading
punishment. It violates the right to life Article 1 of universal
declaration of human rights. It is irrevocable , prone to judicial
errors and can be inflicted on innocents. It has never been shown to
deter crime more effectively than other punishments. In most of the
countries including india , judicial system is ineffective ,
inefficient to prosecute impartially both poor & rich criminals. Those
condemned to death penalty mostly come from poor background who are
unable to afford wise & articulate Advocates who can efficiently argue
their case. Against these poor accussed , the criminal nexus of
police-criminal-bureaucrat builds up fake evidences , extracts forced
confessions by 3rd degree torture. Most of death convicts world over
belongs to either poor , TRIBALS , DALITS , etnic minorities ,
political dissidents , children , mentally ill. No rich & mighty
criminal is ever prosecuted let alone hanged.
punishment. It violates the right to life Article 1 of universal
declaration of human rights. It is irrevocable , prone to judicial
errors and can be inflicted on innocents. It has never been shown to
deter crime more effectively than other punishments. In most of the
countries including india , judicial system is ineffective ,
inefficient to prosecute impartially both poor & rich criminals. Those
condemned to death penalty mostly come from poor background who are
unable to afford wise & articulate Advocates who can efficiently argue
their case. Against these poor accussed , the criminal nexus of
police-criminal-bureaucrat builds up fake evidences , extracts forced
confessions by 3rd degree torture. Most of death convicts world over
belongs to either poor , TRIBALS , DALITS , etnic minorities ,
political dissidents , children , mentally ill. No rich & mighty
criminal is ever prosecuted let alone hanged.
The judicial system which depends on
technical facts like evidences
lacks sense to figure out truth out of fake evidences , also as judges
are human beings they are prone to err. Add to this corruption in
judiciary. Death penalty is irreversible & irrevocable. In a mature
democracy like U.S.A with relatively efficient judicial system itself
hundreds of cases of death convicts were found to be wrong , convicts
were found to be innocents upon review & were let free. Where as in
india , the accussed lacks the wherewithal to argue his case in the
first place then how can he arrange for case review ? no judge is god ,
if a hanged person is found to be innocent the judge doesn't has the
ability to bring back the hanged person to life , do such judges have
right to snatch away lives ?
lacks sense to figure out truth out of fake evidences , also as judges
are human beings they are prone to err. Add to this corruption in
judiciary. Death penalty is irreversible & irrevocable. In a mature
democracy like U.S.A with relatively efficient judicial system itself
hundreds of cases of death convicts were found to be wrong , convicts
were found to be innocents upon review & were let free. Where as in
india , the accussed lacks the wherewithal to argue his case in the
first place then how can he arrange for case review ? no judge is god ,
if a hanged person is found to be innocent the judge doesn't has the
ability to bring back the hanged person to life , do such judges have
right to snatch away lives ?
Hereby HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH'S Urges H.E .
PRESIDENT OF INDIA & HONOURABLE SUPREME COURT OF INDIA ,
1. to
stay all death penalties until equitable criminal justice system
with respect to above mentioned rich & mighty criminals is put into
force .
with respect to above mentioned rich & mighty criminals is put into
force .
2. until death penalty is abolished, to make poly graph, lie detector
tests mandatory for all death convicts in a free & fair manner by a
neutral authority , to ascertain whether the convict is really guilty
or innocent of the alleged crime .
3. until
death penalty is abolished , to give a peaceful choice of
death to the death convicts like sleeping pill, injection, gun shot,
etc instead of medieval & barbaric " death by hanging".
death to the death convicts like sleeping pill, injection, gun shot,
etc instead of medieval & barbaric " death by hanging".
4. finally, to abolish death
penalty from statuette books.
JAI HIND. VANDE MATARAM.
Your's sincerely,
Nagaraja. M. R.
Is CHIEF JUSTICE OF INDIA above LAW ???
Law student sexually harassed by ex-Supreme Court judge:
case is not unique, but speaking out is nearly impossible
HANG RAPIST CORRUPT JUDGES
https://sites.google.com/site/eclarionofdalit/hang-rapist-corrupt-judges
By Indira Jaising
A midst the rising din of the demand for death penalty for rapists comes the news that three judges of the Karnataka High Court have been involved in what has come to be described as a 'sex scandal' on the outskirts of Mysore at a place called Roost Resorts.
Our attention is now directed to those who dispense justice rather than those who knock at the doors of justice. In both cases, we are talking about the use and abuse of women — those who are victims of sexual abuse, and those who are used as sexual objects, willingly or unwillingly.
After the reports in local newspapers that three high court judges were found with women at a resort, there was the usual crop of denials. Although the Mysore police were called in to settle a brawl, on being told that the persons in question were judges they said that they heard no evil and saw no evil.
And everyone thought the matter ended there.
Attempts to get the names of the judges or of the women in question drew a blank. The bar association also drew a blank as most people said, "Don't quote me… but…"
On November 30, the Bangalore edition of The Times of India published a front-page story giving the names and photographs of the three judges and confirming that the Intelligence Bureau had done an investigation and come to the conclusion that the incident had indeed occurred. There were still no details of the incident, though it was stated that the report has been given to the chief justice of India.
There were reports on the same day that the Karnataka High Court chief justice had sought the transfer of the three judges to Patna, Jammu and Kashmir and Guwahati. Apparently, the chief justice has agreed to this request and the transfer orders have been issued.
Then came the news that the chief justice of India has set up a committee of inquiry under the 'in-house' procedure consisting of the chief justice of the Andhra Pradesh High Court, the chief justice of the Madras High Court and the chief justice of the Patna High Court.
There were still no details in the press about the actual incident and the entire episode continued to be referred to as a 'sex scandal'.
What is interesting about these reports is not what they reveal, but what they conceal. It is a conspiracy of silence. If the information is now available to the chief justice of India, why is it not being made public? Do we, the public, not have the right to information? Ironically, the morning newspapers brought the news that the Freedom of Information Act has been passed. What are the legitimate limits of the right to freedom of information and the requirement of keeping information a secret? This episode would make an interesting case study.
What exactly is at stake here? There is much that should concern the nation about the incident. This is not a case about the private morality of the judges, be that as it may, but about the abuse of office that they hold. What has not been made known is that the three women in question are women lawyers practising in their courts.
What is at stake here is the pollution of the stream of justice at its very source. There must be countless cases in which these women appeared before these very judges day in and day out of their routine practice. Can one honestly say that in such a situation justice is being done "without fear or favour"? Judges swear on oath of allegiance to "bear true faith" to the Constitution and do justice "without fear or favour". How well have these judges honoured this oath?
What is at stake here is the cynical use of women as sexual commodities. The usual justifications have already begun making the rounds. If the women have not complained, what objection can anyone else have, it is asked. What is lost sight of is the fact that the judges are in a position of dominance vis-à-vis the women, in a position to do favours that pertain to their office.
What is at stake here is the cynical use of public office, the seat of justice, for personal petty gain. It is irrelevant whether the women consented or not. The usual blame game will now begin — blaming the victim rather than the perpetrator; the usual loose talk about the character of the woman in question; the usual attempt to cover up by diverting attention from the actual incident to the motives of those who brought the incident to light.
What is at stake here is the perception of women as sexual commodities by those who are responsible for sitting in judgment over cases brought for and on behalf of women.
The issues at stake here concern one half of Indians. With what faith can Indian women approach the courts demanding the right to equality, the right to be free from sexual harassment or rape and the right to live with dignity, if the persecution of judges who sit in judgment over them is non-negotiable?
In the circumstances, the suggested solution is worse than the offence — to transfer them to Patna, Guwahati and Jammu and Kashmir. Why these particular cities? Are they not an integral part of the country, or are they mere islands within the country that are considered 'punishment postings' where people are sent a la 'crossing Kala Pani' of the old days? To the credit of the Guwahati Bar Association, it protested against the proposed transfer.
The only decent thing to do is for the chief justice of India to disclose full details of the incident so that rumour-mongering comes to an end. This would be in the best interest of the judiciary itself.
As things stand, the rumours are making the rounds that there were more than three judges involved, that the women were professional call girls, many of which are baseless. We, the people, have the right to know. The conspiracy of silence must be broken.
The judges in question must neither be assigned any judicial functions pending an inquiry nor be transferred to sit in judgment over others. Two of the judges are stated to be additional judges. They must not be confirmed. If there is prima facie evidence against the one remaining judge, the chief justice must recommend his impeachment.
It is time for all concerned bar associations, bar councils and other male-dominated bodies of legal professionals to act and ensure that there is no cover-up. There is little point in showing sympathy to women in judgments and in seminar rooms, or in recommending the death penalty for rape if we cannot deal with the men who dispense justice.
There are contempt of court petitions pending in the Karnataka High Court against some of the publications for disclosing details of the incident. Civil society and women's organisations must demand that justice is now done when it comes to the judges themselves.
The law of contempt can offer no solution to the crisis of credibility in the judiciary that this incident has thrown up. One positive aspect of the incident is that it is only after the chief justice of the high court issued a public notice inviting information that he received 20 representations, which led to the discovery of the truth.
Let the truth now be made public.
Judge accused of molesting 2 rape survivors in UP
A sitting judicial magistrate sexually assaulted them
UP: Two rape victims claim that a sitting judicial magistrate sexually assaulted them. The girls
alleged that when they went to the magistrate’s chamber to give their statement, he allegedly
made them strip and molested them.
One of the girls is a minor and the police have filed a complaint. The girls also claimed that the
judge threatened them to not speak of the incident to anyone.
Lawyers and the general public in Gonda launched a protest against the judge.
JUDGE SENDING OBSCENE SMS TO WOMEN
Lucknow Taking cognisance of the allegation against a civil Judge (junior division) of
Budaun court that he sent obscene SMSes to a woman lecturer, the Registrar General of
Allahabad High Court today sought a report from the district judge into the matter.
The civil judge of Gunnor sub-division court of Budaun — Pramod Kumar Gangwar— was
accused of sending obscene SMSes from his cellphone to a woman lecturer of Classic
College of Law, Bareilly. A lecturer of the same college, Vivek Gupta, was named in the FIR
lodged by the victim while Gangwar’s name surfaced in the primary investigation.
Registrar General Dinesh Gupta said, “The district judge of Budaun has been asked to
send a detailed report into the allegations. Appropriate action would be taken on the basis
of the report.”
District Judge Suresh Kumar Srivastava said, “I have asked the Bareilly district police to
send a report about the matter. The report on the basis of the police inquiry would be sent
to the Allahabad High Court Registrar General.”
“I am not aware about the matter, as the Bareilly police did not intimate me before initiating
the probe against the civil judge. They should have informed me when they had received
any such complaint,” the judge added.
Meanwhile, Bareilly CO II Raj Kumar, who is investigating the case, today recorded the
statement of the victim. “I have collected the call details of the cellphone used for sending
the SMSes, but I have yet to get the address of the person who is subscriber of the SIM
card,” he said.
“The probe is on to verify if the accused in the case were present on the location recorded
in the call details when the SMSes were sent. The details of the findings of the
investigation would be sent to the Budaun district court to seek the direction,” the CO
added.
Asked if the investigation was earlier conducted into the matter, Raj Kumar said, “The SP
(Crime) had initiated probe into the matter, but I am not aware if the investigation had
reached to any conclusion.”
The woman lecturer had lodged an FIR at the Mahila police station on Thursday alleging
she had received obscene SMSes on her cellphone involving her colleague Vivek Gupta.
The preliminary inquiry into the case by the police yesterday had found that the mobile
phone used in the crime belongs to the civil judge.
Lokayukta: DC demanded sex from widow
In the midst of a national outrage over former Haryana DGP SPS Rathore molesting a teenager,
the Karnataka Lokayukta on Saturday made a startling revelation that the state government was
shielding a top bureaucrat who had demanded sexual favours from a young widow.
Lokayukta Justice Santosh Hegde disclosed that the official concerned, who was the deputy
commissioner of one of the districts when he demanded sex from the widow in return for
discharging his duties as public servant, has since been promoted to a senior position.
Justice Hegde, in the course of an interaction with journalists at the Deccan Herald office
Saturday afternoon, said the unnamed widow had dared the deputy commissioner and
approached the Lokayukta’s office with a complaint against the officer.
On examination of the complaint, the Lokayukta had found sufficient grounds to recommend to
the state government the suspension and prosecution of the DC concerned. The
recommendation was subsequently considered by the concerned department head as well as
the chief secretary and both endorsed it.
But, according to Justice Hegde, no action was initiated against the DC as the same official who
had endorsed the recommendation subsequently found no basis for initiating departmental action
against him. Instead, the official cleared the DC’s name for promotion in the super-scale.
Presently, the official holds a senior position in the government.
The widow, in her late 20s, had approached the DC with a representation to sort out some
problems. But she was shocked when the DC demanded sex.
Justice Hegde did not identify the official in question or the complainant. Nor did he offer to name
the district where the official was serving as deputy commissioner. But the incident has
happened sometime in the course of last three years as Justice Hegde took over as the
Lokayukta in mid-2006.
3-year jail term for ‘dirty’ judge
Family court judge Ramrao Gangaram Bhise attempted to get sexual favours from a housewife in
1997
Family court judge Ramrao Gangaram Bhise’s attempts to extract sexual favours, in addition to a
bribe, from a housewife, Alka Gaikwad — who had sought an increase in her monthly
maintenance allowance from her estranged husband, in 1997 — proved costly to him.
Pronouncing him guilty on both counts, the special court hearing anti-corruption bureau (ACB)
matters sentenced him to three years rigorous imprisonment and a collective fine of Rs55, 000,
on Monday.
According to the FIR in the case registered against Bhise by the ACB, Suryakant Gaikwad had
filed for divorce from his wife, Alka, before the Bandra family court. Alka, a housewife, in turn,
filed a petition seeking mutual cohabitation with her husband. The then family court judge, Meera
Khadakkar, directed the husband to pay her an interim maintenance allowance of Rs750 per
month.
Subsequently, in January 1997, Alka filed another application before the same family court (now
presided over by Bhise) seeking to increase the monthly maintenance amount to Rs3,500. “On
October 27, 1997, Bhise issued an interim order, increasing the maintenance allowance to
Rs2,000 to be paid by Suryakan to his estranged wife till the disposal of the case. Immediately
after issuing the order, Bhise asked Alka to meet him and gave her his residential telephone
number, asking her to call him when the court hours ended. He told her that he would ask her
husband to pay her a lump sum of Rs2 lakh in addition to the monthly maintenance, provided she
called him up,” the FIR states.
When she called up the judge at 7 pm the same day, Bhise told her that she would have to pay
him a sum of Rs2,000 in addition to granting his sexual favours if she wanted an order in her
favour. He also directed her to meet him at the Haji Ali bus stop with the bribe amount the
following evening.
“Alka approached the ACB, which sought permission from the Chief Justice of the Bombay High
Court before laying a trap on the first class judicial magistrate (Bhise). The HC while granting the
permission designated a court official to bear witness to the events leading to the trap. Alka,
under video camera surveillance of ACB sleuths, along with the court official and other women
witnesses met Bhise at 8.30 pm at the Haji Ali bus stop. Bhise took hold of Alka’s wrist and when
she protested, repeated his demands,” the FIR states.
Alka was then taken to a nearby hotel, Sharda, where the judge accepted the bribe amount. But
before he could do anything else, ACB sleuths swooped in and arrested him.
Rajasthan judge is indicted for seeking sexual favours
Chief Justice of India G B Pattanaik retires tonight and he doesn’t have much to write home about
on the unprecedented drive he launched to enforce judicial accountability.
After the PPSC scam fiasco, reported in The Indian Express today, comes the case of the
Rajasthan judge who has been indicted in a sex scandal and yet has escaped action—pending
another inquiry.
On December 14, a three-judge committee set up by Pattanaik confirmed the ‘‘involvement’’ of
Justice Arun Madan of the Rajasthan High Court in a proposition to a woman doctor to have sex
with him in exchange for a judicial favour.
The committee, headed by the Chief Justice of the Punjab and Haryana High Court Justice B K
Roy, submitted its report to Pattanaik, indicting Madan on a complaint made from Jodhpur by the
woman concerned, Sunita Malviya.
But Pattanaik has not announced any action against Madan. When contacted by The Indian
Express, Pattanaik confirmed that the committee had indicted Madan and his ‘‘bad reputation’’ in
seeking sexual favours in return for judicial ones.
However, Pattanaik said that no action was being taken since the committee had also mentioned
allegations of corruption against Madan. And so he had ordered a further inquiry by the same
committee into the corruption charges.
When asked what he did with the indictment of Madan in the sex scandal, Pattanaik said, ‘‘That
is on hold because I could not have taken piecemeal action against him….I am praying to God
that the final report will give some tangible material to take action.’’
Highly placed sources told The Indian Express that when the committee recorded statements last
week in Jodhpur of about 30 persons over four days, it also came to know of several allegations
of corruption against Madan and another judge of the same high court. The committee put these
on record as well.
Pattanaik said that when he summoned Madan to New Delhi last week, he did not raise the sex
scandal issue and instead limited himself to saying that he was ordering a further inquiry into
corruption allegations.
In effect, Pattanaik has now passed the Rajasthan buck to his successor Justice V N Khare.
The gist of Malviya’s complaint is that Madan made a sexual proposition to her in October
through a deputy registrar of the high court, Govind Kalwani, who said that the judge would help
her, in turn, get out of a criminal case booked against her.
With this, Pattanaik’s much-touted in-house judicial accountability seems to have hit a wall. The
first committee’s report into the PPSC scam exonerated one judge despite evidence and let two
others off with a mere slap on the wrist. The third committee is now busy probing the involvement
of judges in the Mysore sex scam.
Ten reasons why criminals in khaki get away
Siddharth Varadarajan
Behind every man like S.P.S. Rathore who abuses his authority stand the generals and
footsoldiers who help and support him. We need to take them all down.
S.P.S. Rathore, the criminal former top cop of Haryana, may appear alone today but we must
never forget that he was able to get away with the sexual molestation of a young child and the
illegal harassment of her family for 19 years because he had hundreds of men who supported
him in his effort to evade justice.
The fact that these men – fellow police officers, bureaucrats, politicians, lawyers, judges, school
administrators – were willing to bend the system to accommodate a man accused of molesting a
minor speaks volumes for the moral impoverishment of our establishment and country. Decent
societies shun those involved in sexual offences against children. Even criminals jailed for
`ordinary' crimes like murder treat those serving time for molesting children as beyond the pale.
But in India, men like Rathore have their uses for their masters, so the system circles its wagons
and protects them.
The CBI's appeal may lead to the enhancement of Rathore's sentence and perhaps even the
slapping of abetment to suicide charges, since his young victim killed herself to put an end to the
criminal intimidation her family was being subjected to by Rathore and his men. But the systemic
rot which the case has exposed will not be remedied unless sustained public pressure is put on
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram, two men who have
it in their power to push for simple remedies in the way the Indian law enforcement and justice
delivery system works.
First, abolish the need for official, i.e. political sanction to prosecute bureaucrats, policemen and
security forces personnel when they are accused of committing crimes. The original intent behind
this built-in stay-out-of-jail card was to protect state functionaries from acts done in the course of
discharging their duties in good faith. Somewhere along the line, this has come to mean
protecting our custodians of law and order when they murder innocent civilians (eg. the infamous
Panchalthan case in Kashmir where the trial of army men indicted by the CBI for murdering five
villagers in 2000 still cannot take place because the Central government will not grant
permission), or assault or molest women and children. No civilised, democratic society grants
such impunity. It is disgusting to see former officials and bureaucrats from Haryana saying how
they had wanted Rathore prosecuted but were prevented from doing so because of pressure.
Such officials should either be made formally to testify in a criminal case against the politicians
who so pressured them or they should themselves be hauled up for perverting the course of
justice.
Second, stop talking about how making the police and army answerable to the law will somehow
demoralise their morale. Does anybody care about the morale of ordinary citizens any more? Or
the morale of upright police and army officers, who do not think it is right for their colleagues to be
able to get away with criminal acts?
Third, bring an end to the cosy relationship between the police and politicians. Rathore was
protected by four chief ministers of Haryana. He served them and they served him by ensuring
his unfettered rise. It is absurd that the Indian Police is still governed by a colonial-era Act dating
back to 1861. A number of commissions have made recommendations for reforming the police
over the years; but no government or political party wants to give up its ability to use and misuse
the police for their own benefit
Fourth, ensure that police officers who abuse their authority and engage in mala fide
prosecutions are dismissed from service and sentenced to jail for a long period of time. Mr.
Chidambaram should use the considerable resources at his command to find out who were the
policemen involved in filing 11 bogus cases against the teenaged brother of the young girl
Rathore molested. He should then make sure criminal proceedings are initiated against all of
them. The message must go out to every policeman in the country: If you abuse the law at the
behest of a superior, you will suffer legal consequences.
Fifth, ensure that criminal charges against law enforcement personnel are fast-tracked as a
matter of routine so that a powerful defendant is not able to use his position to delay proceedings
the way Rathore did for years on end. The destruction or disappearance of material evidence in
such cases must be treated as a grave offence with strict criminal liability imposed on the
individual responsible for breaking the chain of custody.
Sixth, empower the National Human Rights Commission with teeth so that police departments
and state governments cannot brush aside their orders as happened in the Rathore case. This
would also require appointing to the NHRC women and men who have a proven record of
defending human rights in their professional life, something that is done today only in the breach.
The attitude of the Manmohan Singh government to this commission and others like the National
Commission for Women (NCW) and National Commission for Minorities is shocking. Vacancies
are not filled for months on end.
Seventh, ensure the early enactment of pending legislation broadening the ambit of sexual
crimes, including sexual crimes against children. Between rape, defined as forced penetrative
sex, and the vague, Victorian-era crime of `outraging the modesty of a woman', the Indian Penal
Code recognises no other form of sexual violence. As a result, all forms of sexual molestation
and assault short of rape attract fairly lenient punishment, of the kind Rathore got. In his case, the
judge did not even hand down the maximum sentence, citing concerns for the criminal's age.
Sadly, he did not take into account the age of the victim and neither does the IPC, which fails to
distinguish between `outraging the modesty' of an adult woman and a young child.
A draft law changing these provisions and bringing India into line with the rest of the modern
world has been pending with the NCW and Law Ministry for years. Perhaps the government may
now be shamed into pushing it through Parliament at the earliest.
Eighth, take steps to introduce a system of protection of witnesses and complainants. The fate
that the family of Rathore's young victim had to endure is testament to the fact that people who
seek justice in India do so at their own peril.
Ninth, ensure that robust interrogation techniques like narco-analysis, which are routinely used
against other alleged criminals, are also employed against police officers accused of crimes.
Tenth, the media and the higher judiciary must also turn the light inward and ask themselves
whether they were also derelict in their duty. The Rathore case did not attract the kind of constant
media attention it deserved, nor do other cases involving serving police officers accused of
crimes against women, workers, peasants and minorities. As for the upper courts, their record is
too patchy to inspire confidence. It was, after all, the high court which chose to disregard the
CBI's request for including abetment to suicide charges.
Keywords: Siddharth Varadarajan, S.P.S. Rathore, criminals, khaki, former DGP of
Haryana, custodians, sexual violence, NHRC
Porbandar judge accused of dowry harassment
A complaint has been filed against District and Sessions judge of Porbandar for allegedly
harassing his daughter-in-law for dowry, police said here on Sunday.
Darshana Dave, a native of Amreli, has filed a complaint against her husband Kinnar, father-inlaw
and district judge Arvind Dave, mother-in-law Pratibha and brother-in-law Prashant, the
police added.
Darshana married Kinnar two years ago. Her complaint says that she was harassed from the
beginning, and was even beaten up by the husband and in-laws, who were demanding Rs 10
lakh as dowry.
She has also alleged that she was thrown out of the house a few months back, and her husband
is now seeking divorce, the police said.
Amreli Superintendent of Police H R Muliyana confirmed to have received the complaint against
the judge and others. He said that action will be taken after verifying the complaint.
This is the second complaint related to dowry harassment filed against a judge in the state in the
recent past.
Earlier, a woman had filed a complaint against additional sessions judge of Jetpur after her
daughter and the judge's wife committed suicide.
Gurgaon judge to also face dowry harassment charge
Gurgaon's Chief Judicial Magistrate Ravneet Garg, booked for the murder of his wife, will also
face dowry harassment charge, police here said Monday.
Police have issued notices to the CJM's father K.K. Garg and mother Rachna Garg, who have
also been named in the dowry harassment case.
The CJM's father reached here Monday morning from Haryana's Panchkula town and contacted
police, who wanted to question him.
"We had called CJM's parents...K.K. Garg was questioned by special investigation team (SIT),"
Gurgaon Police Commissioner Alok Mittal said.
Mittal said on the basis of written complaint filed by the parents of the CJM's wife Geetanjali,
penal sections of dowry harassment and extra-marital affair were included in the FIR lodged
against the CJM Saturday.
Geetanjali, 24, bore three bullet wounds - on her chin, chest and stomach - but no bullets were
found in her body that was recovered here Thursday. The CJM's licensed firearm was found near
the body, police said.
Mittal said two bullets were seized from the scene of crime and would be sent for ballistic
examination Monday, a day after ballistic experts examined the crime spot.
"The SIT Sunday questioned two women relatives of Ravneet Garg for hours at his government
allotted house here in the Officers Colony," said Mittal.
"We have asked CJM to produce supporting evidences to prove his statement," he said.
The CJM allegedly said that his driver and domestic help may throw some light on his wife's
death.
Judge Garg's in-laws alleged that two cars were provided to the accused on his and his family's
demand. Rs.2 lakh were also delivered to him at the time of the admission of his daughters in
school in May.
Geetanjali's brother Pradeep Aggarwal Saturday lodged a first information report against Garg
and his parents, accusing them of murder.
"Ravneet and Geetanjali got married in November 2007. Everything was fine for a few years but
the attitude of Ravneet and his parents towards Geetanjali started changing after she delivered
two baby girls (now aged around four and a half and three years)," Aggarwal said in his
complaint.
He demanded a probe by the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) into his sister's murder.
“There is a higher court than the court of justice and that is the court of conscience It supercedes all other courts. ”
- Mahatma Gandhi
- Mahatma Gandhi
Salary
of Chief Justice of India Rupees 100000 per month & salary of
supreme court judge Rupees 90000 per month plus 5 star heritage
bungalow , 5 star air / train travel , 5 star health care facility ,
etc all at tax payers expense
Hunger Deaths Malnutrition Deaths Poverty Earning Less than Rupees 32 per day
Honest Hard Working Child Laborers Earning Less Than Rupees 32 per day
Corrupt Dishonest Criminal Public Servants Earning More than Rupees 5000 per day Murderers of Justice
Ill-gotten Wealth of Corrupt Public Servants
Murderers of Justice Shame to You
Follow me at
http://www.facebook.com/people/Nagaraj-Mysore-Raghupathi/513253184 ,
http://www.amnesty.org/en/user/naghrw ,
http://twitter.com/naghrw ,
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A – Z of Manipulation of Indian Legal System
SHAME TO CORRUPT RAPIST JUDGES OF INDIA
sexual harassment: Intern moves SC for inquiry against Justice Swatanter Kumar
New Delhi: A
former law intern, who has made sexual harassment allegations against
Justice Swatanter Kumar, today moved the Supreme Court seeking inquiry
against the retired judge.
A
bench headed by Chief Justice P Sathasivam, before whom the matter was
mentioned for urgent hearing, agreed to take up the case on January 15.
The
intern, in the petition, challenged the apex court's December 5, 2013
full court resolution in which it was decided that no complaint against
its retired judges will be entertained.
The
petitioner also submitted that a proper forum be constituted to conduct
inquiry in such cases and her complaint be also looked into by the apex
court like it was done in the case of sexual harassment allegations
against Justice (retd) A K Ganguly.
The intern has made Justice Kumar, Secretary General of the Supreme Court and Union of India parties in the case.
She
submitted that Justice Kumar was a sitting judge at the time of the
alleged incident and the apex court must look into the complaint as per
Vishaka guidelines.
Justice
Kumar, who is currently heading the National Green Tribunal, has
described the allegations as "incredulous and false" and "some kind of
conspiracy".
IB confirms Mysore Roost Resort sex scandal
The Intelligence Bureau has provided the Centre with a detailed account of the escapade
involving three Karnataka High Court judges on November 3 in a resort on the outskirts of
Mysore, highly placed sources told The Times of India on Friday.
According to a senior official, “Most of the information sought has not only confirmed the veracity
of the incident but the government has crosschecked it with another police agency. Both the
reports match.”
The incident was widely reported in the media. What has surprised the Centre is the “dogged
refusal” of the Karnataka police to confirm the incident. “Mysore Police Commissioner C.
Chandrasekhar first denied that the incident ever took place. Only when a public notice was
issued through the high court registrar seeking information on the Mysore scandal, did the facts
come out in the open. Public protest helped a lot,” says the source.
What transpired at the resort, says the source, “cannot be expected from anyone in civil society,
leave alone persons sworn to upholding the law”. According to him, “The IB report consists of
unmentionable facts and also makes it amply clear that the Mysore incident is not the first time
such things have happened. Can anyone expect upholders of the law to pick a fight with people
who complained to the police when caught in a compromising position?”
In a related development, Karnataka High Court Chief Justice N.K. Jain has written to Chief
Justice of India Justice G.B. Pattanaik asking that three judges be transferred. Jain has proposed
that Justice N.S. Veerabhadraiah be transferred to the Patna High Court, Justice
Chandrasekharaiah to Jammu & Kashmir and Justice V. Gopala Gowda to the Gauhati High
Court.
While Jain is understood not to have given any reasons, highly placed sources say the proposal
for transfers is linked to the Mysore incident.
However, the source says that now the government is worried about the appropriate “remedial
measures”. In such cases, transferring a judge to a remote high court doesn’t always work. He
says, “Bar associations and the people of northeastern states were up in arms when some
judges of the Punjab and Haryana high courts were transferred there. We expect similar protests
if the CJI accepts Justice Jain’s proposal to transfer the three judges of the Karnataka High
Court.”
The Bar Council of India on Friday, while expressing its anguish at the Karnataka incident, called
for “follow-up action”.
“Unless prompt and appropriate action is taken, it will erode the faith of public in the only
institution considered to be the bastion of our fighting faith in democracy,” it said in a statement.
The BCI has “lamented” inaction in this case by “the higher judiciary and the government”.
Read more: IB confirms Mysore sex scandal – The Times of India http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/bangalore/IB-confirms-Mysore-sexscandal/articleshow/29801662.cms#ixzz1B7PtvFdU ,
Read full details in the attachment
Panel names former India Supreme Court judge Ganguly in sex harassment allegation
Shocked, shattered by allegations: former Supreme Court judge Ganguly
New
Delhi: A three-member panel that probed the charge of sexual harassment
of a young lawyer by a Supreme Court judge has submitted its report,
identifying the judge as A K Ganguly, court sources said on Friday.
The
report was submitted on Thursday after the committee of three judges
met six times. This is the first time an alleged perpetrator has been
named.
The
report, submitted to Chief Justice P Sathasivam, also carries the
statements of the victim, who interned in the Supreme Court, and that of
the now-retired Justice Ganguly, the sources said.
The
graduate of Kolkata-based National University of Judicial Sciences
(NUJS) had alleged sexual harassment by Ganguly while interning for him
in December 2012.
The
committee, which held six sittings on November 13, 19, 21, 26, and 27,
submitted its report to Chief Justice Sathasivam on November 28.
The victim appeared before the committee on November 19 and was expected to appear again on November 21 but chose to stay away.
She
first mentioned the incident in a blog for Journal of Indian Law and
Society on November 6 and later told the same in an interview with
Legally India website.
The
victim, who is working with Natural Justice: Lawyers for Communities
and Environment, said she heard that there were three other girls
besides her who were sexually harassed by the same judge.
She also claimed to have knowledge of four more girls who were allegedly harassed by other judges in their chambers.
Denying any sexual harassment, Ganguly on Friday said he was “shocked and shattered” by the charges against him.
“I
am denying everything. I have told the committee that all the
allegations levelled by the intern are wrong. I don’t know how such
allegations have been levelled against me,” he said.
“I am a victim of situations,” he told television channels.
“I
am not ashamed of anything,” he said in reply to a question regarding
the alleged episode which came out in public after the victim spoke
about it in the legal portal earlier this month.
He
said the charges against him were totally wrong. The girl had not
raised any sexual harassment issue with him, he said, adding that he had
not done any physical harm to her.
The
former judge said the intern worked with him though she was not
officially allocated to him. She came in the place of another intern who
had gone abroad after marriage. “I never put up a poster. She came on
her own.”
He said the girl had come to his house on a number of occasions in connection with work.
Parties question parole for Sanjay
A doctor who examined the actor’s wife said she has been diagnosed with a tumor in the liver and a suspected heart ailment.
Opposition
parties in Maharashtra have accused the State government of
preferential treatment in granting a one-month parole to Bollywood actor
and 1993 Mumbai blasts convict Sanjay Dutt. The actor was granted
parole on Friday on the grounds that his wife Maanyata was unwell and
needed to undergo surgery.
This
is the second time in three months that the actor — who is the brother
of Congress MP Priya Dutt — has been granted leave from the Yerawada
jail. Mr. Dutt has been serving the remaining period of his two-year
sentence there since May 2013. In October, he got a month’s leave on
grounds of ill health. However, the same month, the parole application
of another 1993 Mumbai blasts convict Zaibunissa Kazi was turned down.
She had asked for leave to visit her ailing mother. On Saturday morning,
a group of activists from the Republican Party of India staged a
protest outside the jail. “This is a blatant misuse of power by the
Maharashtra government. It is clear that Sanjay Dutt is getting
preferential treatment,” said Manoj Gaikwad, an RPI activist and
Sangharsh Samiti volunteer.
In
Mumbai, BJP leader Gopinath Munde demanded the order be reversed. “How
can Sanjay Dutt be given parole after such a short gap? The parole
should be cancelled and there should be action against the officer who
cleared it,” he said.
Mr.
Munde said the authorities needed to check if Mr. Dutt’s wife was
genuinely unwell. However, Maanyata Dutt’s doctor Ajay Chaughule from
the Global Hospital told The Hindu that a tumour had been detected in
her liver.
SHAME TO CORRUPT JUDGES OF INDIA
Corruption in Indian Judiciary :
‘Corruption Is Rampant In The Lower Courts’
Former chief justice of India on corruption in judiciary
Yet
another case of judicial corruption was exposed last month when the
Andhra Pradesh High Court suspended additional special judge for CBI
cases T. Pattabhi Rama Rao following allegations of corruption. Charged
on the basis of a complaint filed by the CBI, the special judge had
allegedly taken a bribe of Rs 5 crore to grant bail to former Karnataka
minister Gali Janardhana Reddy in the illegal mining case. The vigilance
wing of the high court found the allegation to hold merit. Former chief
justice of India V.N. Khare told Chandrani Banerjeethat such incidents are now rampant. Excerpts:
Are bribes for bail endemic now?
Are bribes for bail endemic now?
There
is no doubt about it. It is rampant. Corruption in the lower courts is
no secret. Sometimes, in the high court as well, cases of corruption
have surfaced, but in my experience while I was in the Supreme Court, I
have not witnessed anything similar.
In
the lower courts, it’s alleged that everything comes for a price. Rates
are fixed for quick divorce, bail and other favourable verdicts.
Cases
in the media glare, constantly scrutinised, are different. Otherwise it
is very difficult for the common man. There are huge time gaps between
hearings. Years are spent to get an order from the lower courts. So, it
is difficult.
|
Subordinate courts function under the supervision of high courts. Should the higher courts be accountable?
The
respective high courts have so much of work that monitoring district
courts is just part of the routine. High courts have inspecting judges
who are responsible for monitoring district courts. They go with a lot
of band baaja and have lunch while on inspection. Inspecting judges are
presented with a rosy picture and then they file a report. Now, the
greater problem is that they are overburdened with work. Cases are in
addition to administrative work, besides other mandatory official work.
As a result, the inspecting judges of the high courts have no time to
follow up. We need dedicated staff to monitor the district courts.
What kind of monitoring is needed?
A
team of three serving judges should be formed. These judges should
dedicatedly monitor the district judges. Their judgements should be
analysed and questioned. Their attendance and work should be
scrutinised. Someone should question them about their performance. I
feel doing that will put in some checks.
You mean to say work overload and pendency of cases have themselves become a factor in corruption?
Yes,
to a large extent. The high court judges are overburdened and they have
no time. They always inform the district court authorities before the
visits. It causes a situation where the real problem never comes to the
surface. A dedicated committee of judges will help, but we are short of
people. To my knowledge, we have 13.2 judges for 10 lakh people. If
required to, we use excess strength in a particular situation, but there
is no permanent arrangement. We work on an ad-hoc basis and so there
are problems.
Would a few suspensions control corruption in the lower courts?
They
will certainly convey a message. When I was serving, I did take certain
measures which sent the message across the country that any charge of
corruption will be probed. Fast actions and decisions on charges
levelled against judges always work as deterrent.
What is the role of the inspecting judges in controlling corruption?
They
should conduct sudden checks, always unannounced, and also follow up on
any complaint registered in the district courts. However, to actualise
this, we have to have a sufficient number of good judges. The monitoring
will then be effective and result-oriented.
What is the mechanism to keep the lower courts free from corruption?
A
dedicated committee of judges that will only monitor lower courts.
Punctuality, integrity and court orders—everything should be under the
lens. Such accountability will ensure the right kind of order is
delivered in every petition.
Is consumerism responsible for fostering corruption in lower courts?
Judges
are only people, like us. They come from the same society. Society is
all about taking short cuts. Society is about quick successes. So, short
cuts are taken and the judges are no different.
Supreme Court wants corrupt judges thrown out
Read more at: http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/corruption-in-judiciary--sc-wants-corrupt-judges-thrown-out/1/137730.html
In a strong message against corruption in the subordinate judiciary, the Supreme Court on Tuesday observed incorrigible judges who were bringing the entire judiciary to disrepute should be thrown out.
"A
large section of subordinate judges is bringing disrepute to the entire
judiciary. We have to hear of judges taking money and can do nothing
but hang our heads in shame," a bench comprising Justices Markandey
Katju and Gyan Sudha Misra said.
"Incorrigible
judges should be thrown out," the bench said, while dealing with a
contempt petition against an additional district judge (ADJ).
ADJ
Archana Sinha, who repeatedly pleaded for mercy, had stayed the
operation of a Supreme Court order on the eviction of a tenant from a
prime property in Connaught Place.
"The
( ADJ's) order is quashed as mala fide and void," the bench said, while
directing the Delhi High Court to seek an explanation from her.
The bench directed the chief justice of the HC to conduct an inquiry into the matter and take such action as he deemed fit.
With
Sinha's counsel Jayant Bhushan claiming her action was not mala fide,
Justice Katju, who initially planned to suspend her with immediate
effect, asked: "She sat over the head of the Supreme Court. You want us
not to suspend her?" "She had no business to hear the matter. Instead
she superseded and overruled us," he said.
Bhushan,
thereafter, tried to take the court through some documents to show her
action was not totally unjustified, but the court was not inclined to
consider such pleas.
"Once
she came to know of the Supreme Court order, all this was irrelevant
and she should not have touched the matter," Justice Katju said.
"We have to hear of judges taking money. A message has to go. We will not tolerate this," the bench said.
At
one point, the bench mellowed down when Sinha pleaded for mercy with
folded hands. "Hamare pas bhi dil hai (we also hearts too)," Justice
Katju said.
With
the bench deciding to let her off with a written apology, the counsel
for the landlord, Dushyant Dave, opposed any leniency for the judge.
"Let her give an explanation to the high court chief justice. I believe
there is a history behind this. The judiciary gets a bad image because
of judges like these," Dave said.
Opposing
leniency, he said: "If it was contempt by someone from the executive,
he would have been sent to jail for this." The bench, thereafter, took a
tough stand and referred the matter to the HC chief justice after
holding in clear terms that her action was tainted with mala fide
intentions.
Read more at: http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/corruption-in-judiciary--sc-wants-corrupt-judges-thrown-out/1/137730.html
The
spate of scams involving some members of the Indian higher judiciary in
corruption, bribery, sex, nepotism and abuse of power has again drawn
attention to the long overdue need for reform of the judicial system.
The image of the judiciary and its credibility are perhaps at an
all-time low. The problem of corruption comes on top of the problem of
judicial inertia and the prohibitively expensive nature of the process
of securing justice. This has effectively ensured that the judicial
system cannot deliver justice to the ordinary citizen. All this suits
the ruling establishment just fine, since those who have the power of
force or money do not need the courts to get justice. It is the poor and
the oppressed, the common people who need a properly working system for
the administration of justice. This is also why those who have the
power to reform the system have failed to do so despite knowing the
problems and the solutions. It has become clear that judicial reforms
will only come when the general public, who are the consumers of
justice, put together a strong and powerful movement on this issue.
There are enough indications that corruption in the higher judiciary has reached unacceptable levels. For instance, in March this year, Justice Shamit Mukherjee of the Delhi High Court had to tender his resignation, following which he was arrested by the Central Bureau of Investigation under sections of the Anti-corruption Act, 1988 and sections of the Criminal Procedure Code for criminal conspiracy. Rampant corruption, which has steadily undermined the credibility of and popular faith in the judicial mechanism, was clearly to be expected in a situation where the higher judiciary enjoys enormous powers without accountability.
Power sans accountability inevitably breeds corruption and abuse. Consider the situation. Once appointed, a judge of a high court (the highest judicial mechanism in the states) or the Supreme Court, cannot be touched except by a complicated procedure of impeachment. As per the constitutional provisions, a judge of a high court or the Supreme Court can only be removed by impeachment after 100 members of the Lok Sabha (the lower house) or 50 members of the Rajya Sabha (the upper house) move the speaker, who may refer the charges to a committee of judges whose verdict is put up before both the houses of Parliament. The judge can only be removed if a two third-majority of members present and voting approve the verdict of the committee.
Today impeachment remains the only option since the judicial system has insulated itself from criminal investigation through a Supreme Court ruling. This happened in 1991 in a case arising from the discovery of huge quantities of money in the residence of Justice K Veeraswamy, then Chief Justice of the Madras High Court. When the Central Bureau of Investigation prosecuted for corruption, the Supreme Court ruled that no First Information Report can be registered against a judge, nor a criminal investigation be initated, without prior consent of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. This effectively excluded the higher judiciary from the ordinary laws of the land, since there is no possible circumstance under which an investigating agency can approach the Chief Justice for consent to investigate a judge without any concrete evidence against him. This is the reason why no judge has ever been subjected to a criminal investigation after the Veeraswami judgment. In the meanwhile, armed with this legal immunity judicial corruption has continued to flourish.
This immunity is doubly reinforced by the fact that the procedure for impeachment of judges is not only cumbersome, it is also eminently susceptible to political interference. The existing system of impeachment was found to be practically unworkable in the V Ramaswamy case, where the judge survived in office despite being found guilty on several serious charges of corruption by a statutory committee of three fellow judges. This was because members of the Congress, then in power during the prime ministership of PV Narasimha Rao, abstained from voting due to a whip issued by the party leadership when the impeachment motion was put to vote in Parliament in May 1993. In that particular case, however, it was at least possible to initiate the process, because the charges against the judge dealt with irregularities in purchases made in his official capacity. These purchases were audited by the Accountant General and it was in that process that the evidence of corruption came out. As a result, it was possible to frame charges for his impeachment and have the relevant procedural motions signed by 100 members of Parliament. In normal cases of judicial corruption however, it is difficult to produce evidence of the judge’s corruption in the absence of official investigation. Thus, it is not possible to even initiate the process of impeachment, let alone carry one through to the bitter end.
Judges’ sellout
Apart from enjoying immunity from removal and investigation, the higher judiciary further enjoys virtually unlimited powers of punishing people for contempt of court. Any person making any allegation of corruption against a sitting judge can be charged and punished for contempt, even if he is in a position to substantiate the charge. The contempt proceedings are so biased in favour of the judicial system that the very judge against whom the allegation of corruption has been made can prosecute the charge for contempt. The judge can even sit in judgment on his or her own cause, and can actually refuse to permit the alleged contemnor to lead evidence to prove the charge. This is such a vast and unchecked power that it can easily be and has been misused by the judiciary.
The excessive power that the judiciary wields in respect of contempt is in reality a way of shielding itself from legitimate criticism even when such criticism does not otherwise prejudice or obstruct the administration of justice. The existence of this arbitrary power is undoubtedly one of the main reasons why public exposure of judicial corruption has been few and far between and even routine criticism of the judiciary is muted.
Beyond the matter of public scrutiny, the Indian judiciary has been steadily increasing its other powers over the years, adding vast and arbitrary authority ostensibly for enforcing the fundamental rights of citizens. However, these powers are usually exercised in the interests of the ruling establishment. More and more instances are being witnessed where, by judicial fiat, the constitutional mandate is flouted and even the fundamental rights of liberty, equality and right to work are rendered nugatory when ordinary citizens are pitted against the state and powerful sections of society. This is how, for instance, in the interest of cleaning up Delhi’s air by reducing the levels of pollution, the Supreme Court ordered the closure and relocation of several small industries in the city, leading to the loss of livelihood for several thousand workers.
As it is, the state has a long record of enacting anti-democratic and draconian laws. Not only have the courts usually put their seal of approval on these laws, but they have sanctified action taken under them, such as the dismissal of employees en-masse from industrial jobs. The judiciary has also recently been playing a leading role in upholding the sellout of public enterprises by disinvestments carried out under the cover of globalisation. Lately, it has played a retrograde role in curbing the rights of workers to protest and go on strike, endorsing several antidemocratic measures to restrict their rights. Meanwhile, the proliferation of public interest litigations has encouraged unrestrained judicial activism. Though judicial activism through public interest litigations can be a healthy check on an executive which has failed and become corrupt, it can become a menace in the hands of a corrupt and unaccountable judiciary.
The problems with the higher judiciary, however, begin with the process of appointment itself. Quite apart from the fact that the method of selection of judges itself is defective, the entire process is kept under a cloak of secrecy. Thus, before an appointment is actually made, the general public does not have any idea about who are being considered for the post. Many persons whose integrity was known to be suspect and those who had been found guilty of professional misconduct during their legal career have come to be appointed to high office through this secretive system. The selection process has undergone some change over the years, but it has not reduced the spate of undesirable and positively harmful appointments. While earlier the selection was made by the government itself (after consultations with the Chief Justice), now, by a process of judicial interpretation, the power has been transferred to a collegium of three to five judges of the Supreme Court. This has managed to reduce the government’s monopoly over appointments, but the system has not change significantly. The patronage system has simply become more fraternal, since senior judges of the Supreme Court now wield the power of appointment of their junior colleagues. The proof is in the results, and there has not been a noticeable difference in the quality of appointments.
National commission
In an attempt to tackle the problem relating to appointments and accountability of judges, the Committee on Judicial Accountability (COJA), consisting of members of the legal profession, almost a decade ago forwarded a detailed proposal for a high-powered, full-time and independent National Judicial Commission (NJC). This commission would make appointments as also have disciplinary powers over judges of the higher judiciary. The commission would also be responsible for appointments to various commissions and quasi-judicial bodies. The NJC would comprise a nominee each of the Supreme Court, the chief justices of the high courts, the central cabinet, the opposition in Parliament, and the bar. It would also have an investigative machinery of its own to inquire into complaints against members of the judiciary. Members of the NJC would have the same status as that of Supreme Court judges and a guaranteed tenure of five years, after which they would be ineligible for any other similar post.
This proposal would have brought transparency into the system of appointment of judges. But even though nearly every political party included the proposal in its election manifesto, the National Judicial Commission is yet to become reality. The reasons are not far to seek. But now, after the spate of highly publicised judicial scandals, particularly the Shamit Mukherjee case, the government has come up with a proposal to constitute a somewhat truncated NJC. This commission is to be a part-time body of three senior sitting judges of the Supreme Court, the law minister and a nominee of the prime minister. This NJC will not have the power of removal of judges and the present impracticable system of impeachment will continue. The government’s proposal will merely institutionalise the system of sharing the spoils of appointment between the government and the senior members of the judiciary.
Since under the circumstances the judiciary cannot be expected to reform itself, and since the main political parties have reneged on their electoral commitment as expressed in their manifestos, only a strong public campaign can provide the impetus to put in place an independent and responsible body for the appointment and removal of judges. Popular pressure is the only force that can get the 1991 Veerasamy judgment overruled, whether legislatively or judicially, to ensure that judges can be investigated like any other class of citizens. Civic mobilisation is necessary to force change in the contempt law so as to ensure that citizens cannot be prosecuted for making allegations against judges, unless they have done so recklessly or in bad faith. The law must be changed so that judges cannot sit in judgement of their own contempt cases. If the judicial mechanism has to be rescued from its own infirmities, citizens and civil society in India must put together a strong movement to force accountability in the judiciary.
There are enough indications that corruption in the higher judiciary has reached unacceptable levels. For instance, in March this year, Justice Shamit Mukherjee of the Delhi High Court had to tender his resignation, following which he was arrested by the Central Bureau of Investigation under sections of the Anti-corruption Act, 1988 and sections of the Criminal Procedure Code for criminal conspiracy. Rampant corruption, which has steadily undermined the credibility of and popular faith in the judicial mechanism, was clearly to be expected in a situation where the higher judiciary enjoys enormous powers without accountability.
Power sans accountability inevitably breeds corruption and abuse. Consider the situation. Once appointed, a judge of a high court (the highest judicial mechanism in the states) or the Supreme Court, cannot be touched except by a complicated procedure of impeachment. As per the constitutional provisions, a judge of a high court or the Supreme Court can only be removed by impeachment after 100 members of the Lok Sabha (the lower house) or 50 members of the Rajya Sabha (the upper house) move the speaker, who may refer the charges to a committee of judges whose verdict is put up before both the houses of Parliament. The judge can only be removed if a two third-majority of members present and voting approve the verdict of the committee.
Today impeachment remains the only option since the judicial system has insulated itself from criminal investigation through a Supreme Court ruling. This happened in 1991 in a case arising from the discovery of huge quantities of money in the residence of Justice K Veeraswamy, then Chief Justice of the Madras High Court. When the Central Bureau of Investigation prosecuted for corruption, the Supreme Court ruled that no First Information Report can be registered against a judge, nor a criminal investigation be initated, without prior consent of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. This effectively excluded the higher judiciary from the ordinary laws of the land, since there is no possible circumstance under which an investigating agency can approach the Chief Justice for consent to investigate a judge without any concrete evidence against him. This is the reason why no judge has ever been subjected to a criminal investigation after the Veeraswami judgment. In the meanwhile, armed with this legal immunity judicial corruption has continued to flourish.
This immunity is doubly reinforced by the fact that the procedure for impeachment of judges is not only cumbersome, it is also eminently susceptible to political interference. The existing system of impeachment was found to be practically unworkable in the V Ramaswamy case, where the judge survived in office despite being found guilty on several serious charges of corruption by a statutory committee of three fellow judges. This was because members of the Congress, then in power during the prime ministership of PV Narasimha Rao, abstained from voting due to a whip issued by the party leadership when the impeachment motion was put to vote in Parliament in May 1993. In that particular case, however, it was at least possible to initiate the process, because the charges against the judge dealt with irregularities in purchases made in his official capacity. These purchases were audited by the Accountant General and it was in that process that the evidence of corruption came out. As a result, it was possible to frame charges for his impeachment and have the relevant procedural motions signed by 100 members of Parliament. In normal cases of judicial corruption however, it is difficult to produce evidence of the judge’s corruption in the absence of official investigation. Thus, it is not possible to even initiate the process of impeachment, let alone carry one through to the bitter end.
Judges’ sellout
Apart from enjoying immunity from removal and investigation, the higher judiciary further enjoys virtually unlimited powers of punishing people for contempt of court. Any person making any allegation of corruption against a sitting judge can be charged and punished for contempt, even if he is in a position to substantiate the charge. The contempt proceedings are so biased in favour of the judicial system that the very judge against whom the allegation of corruption has been made can prosecute the charge for contempt. The judge can even sit in judgment on his or her own cause, and can actually refuse to permit the alleged contemnor to lead evidence to prove the charge. This is such a vast and unchecked power that it can easily be and has been misused by the judiciary.
The excessive power that the judiciary wields in respect of contempt is in reality a way of shielding itself from legitimate criticism even when such criticism does not otherwise prejudice or obstruct the administration of justice. The existence of this arbitrary power is undoubtedly one of the main reasons why public exposure of judicial corruption has been few and far between and even routine criticism of the judiciary is muted.
Beyond the matter of public scrutiny, the Indian judiciary has been steadily increasing its other powers over the years, adding vast and arbitrary authority ostensibly for enforcing the fundamental rights of citizens. However, these powers are usually exercised in the interests of the ruling establishment. More and more instances are being witnessed where, by judicial fiat, the constitutional mandate is flouted and even the fundamental rights of liberty, equality and right to work are rendered nugatory when ordinary citizens are pitted against the state and powerful sections of society. This is how, for instance, in the interest of cleaning up Delhi’s air by reducing the levels of pollution, the Supreme Court ordered the closure and relocation of several small industries in the city, leading to the loss of livelihood for several thousand workers.
As it is, the state has a long record of enacting anti-democratic and draconian laws. Not only have the courts usually put their seal of approval on these laws, but they have sanctified action taken under them, such as the dismissal of employees en-masse from industrial jobs. The judiciary has also recently been playing a leading role in upholding the sellout of public enterprises by disinvestments carried out under the cover of globalisation. Lately, it has played a retrograde role in curbing the rights of workers to protest and go on strike, endorsing several antidemocratic measures to restrict their rights. Meanwhile, the proliferation of public interest litigations has encouraged unrestrained judicial activism. Though judicial activism through public interest litigations can be a healthy check on an executive which has failed and become corrupt, it can become a menace in the hands of a corrupt and unaccountable judiciary.
The problems with the higher judiciary, however, begin with the process of appointment itself. Quite apart from the fact that the method of selection of judges itself is defective, the entire process is kept under a cloak of secrecy. Thus, before an appointment is actually made, the general public does not have any idea about who are being considered for the post. Many persons whose integrity was known to be suspect and those who had been found guilty of professional misconduct during their legal career have come to be appointed to high office through this secretive system. The selection process has undergone some change over the years, but it has not reduced the spate of undesirable and positively harmful appointments. While earlier the selection was made by the government itself (after consultations with the Chief Justice), now, by a process of judicial interpretation, the power has been transferred to a collegium of three to five judges of the Supreme Court. This has managed to reduce the government’s monopoly over appointments, but the system has not change significantly. The patronage system has simply become more fraternal, since senior judges of the Supreme Court now wield the power of appointment of their junior colleagues. The proof is in the results, and there has not been a noticeable difference in the quality of appointments.
National commission
In an attempt to tackle the problem relating to appointments and accountability of judges, the Committee on Judicial Accountability (COJA), consisting of members of the legal profession, almost a decade ago forwarded a detailed proposal for a high-powered, full-time and independent National Judicial Commission (NJC). This commission would make appointments as also have disciplinary powers over judges of the higher judiciary. The commission would also be responsible for appointments to various commissions and quasi-judicial bodies. The NJC would comprise a nominee each of the Supreme Court, the chief justices of the high courts, the central cabinet, the opposition in Parliament, and the bar. It would also have an investigative machinery of its own to inquire into complaints against members of the judiciary. Members of the NJC would have the same status as that of Supreme Court judges and a guaranteed tenure of five years, after which they would be ineligible for any other similar post.
This proposal would have brought transparency into the system of appointment of judges. But even though nearly every political party included the proposal in its election manifesto, the National Judicial Commission is yet to become reality. The reasons are not far to seek. But now, after the spate of highly publicised judicial scandals, particularly the Shamit Mukherjee case, the government has come up with a proposal to constitute a somewhat truncated NJC. This commission is to be a part-time body of three senior sitting judges of the Supreme Court, the law minister and a nominee of the prime minister. This NJC will not have the power of removal of judges and the present impracticable system of impeachment will continue. The government’s proposal will merely institutionalise the system of sharing the spoils of appointment between the government and the senior members of the judiciary.
Since under the circumstances the judiciary cannot be expected to reform itself, and since the main political parties have reneged on their electoral commitment as expressed in their manifestos, only a strong public campaign can provide the impetus to put in place an independent and responsible body for the appointment and removal of judges. Popular pressure is the only force that can get the 1991 Veerasamy judgment overruled, whether legislatively or judicially, to ensure that judges can be investigated like any other class of citizens. Civic mobilisation is necessary to force change in the contempt law so as to ensure that citizens cannot be prosecuted for making allegations against judges, unless they have done so recklessly or in bad faith. The law must be changed so that judges cannot sit in judgement of their own contempt cases. If the judicial mechanism has to be rescued from its own infirmities, citizens and civil society in India must put together a strong movement to force accountability in the judiciary.
Editorial : Hang Rapist Judges to Lamp Posts - JUDGES & SEXUAL CRIMES
At the outset , we express our whole hearted respects to the honest few public servants
in public service including judiciary & Police. However, the corrupt in public service don’t deserve
respect as individuals – as they are parasites in our legal system. Still we respect the
chairs they occupy but not the corrupt individuals.
All
the following articles / issues , past cases of sexual assaults on
women by judges (hushed up ?) , whole articles published in the weblinks
mentioned
below forms part of this appeal. The term “JUDGE” mentioned throught includes all public
servants discharging judicial functions right from taluk magistrates , quasi-judicial
officers to Chief Justice of India.
Indian Legal / Judicial System is manipulated at various stages & is for sale. It is a SHAME.
The persons who raise their voice seeking justice are silenced in many ways. The
criminal nexus has already attempted to silence me in many ways . If anything untoward
happens to me or to my family members , my dependents , Honourable Chief Justice of
India together with jurisdictional police officer will be responsible for it.
Hereby, we do once again offer our conditional services to the honourable supreme court
of India & other government authorities, in apprehending criminals including corrupt
judges & police. Herewith , we once again appeal to the honourable supreme court of
India , to consider this as a PIL Appeal in public interest.
Consider the cases of sexual assault by JUDGES , POLICE on women . The JUDGES
have legal immunity with respect to their official duties, official actions but not their
individual actions amounting to CRIMES.
The public servants & the government must be role models in law abiding acts , for others
to emulate & follow. if a student makes a mistake it is excusable & can be corrected by
the teacher. if the teacher himself makes a mistake , all his students will do the same
mistake. if a thief steals , he can be caught , legally punished & reformed . if a police
himself commits crime , many thieves go scot- free under his patronage. even if a police ,
public servant commits a crime , he can be legally prosecuted & justice can be sought by
the aggrieved. just think , if a judge himself that too of apex court of the land itself
commits crime - violations of RTI Act , constitutional rights & human rights of public and
obstructs the public from performing their constitutional fundamental duties , what
happens ? it gives a booster dose to the rich & mighty , those in power , criminals in
public service to committ more crimes. that is exactly what is happenning in india. the
educated public must raise to the occassion & peacefully , democratically must oppose
this criminalisation of judiciary , public service. then alone , we can build a RAM RAJYA OF MAHATMA GANDHI'S DREAM.
Hereby
, we request the honourable court to reopen all hushed up old cases of
sexual assault involving judges and to punish the guilty judges.
Read Is CHIEF JUSTICE OF INDIA above LAW ???
Shinde protected businessman close to Dawood, alleges former home secretary RK Singh
- Legal Manipulation / Match Fixing by Union Home Minister
Former
Union home secretary R.K. Singh on Monday alleged that Union Home
Minister Sushilkumar Shinde had shielded a top businessman close to
Dawood Ibrahim.
He claimed Delhi Police was stopped by Shinde from questioning a Mumbai-based businessman, who is said to have "some kind of links" with Dawood Ibrahim, in connection with the betting in Indian Premier League, a T-20 cricketing tournament.
Singh, now a BJP member, also said that there was no assurance given by the US on Dawood Ibrahim. He said that a meeting of the US and Home Ministry officials took place but there was no assurance by the US.
Earlier, Shinde had said that joint efforts with the US were being made to nab India's most wanted terrorist Dawood Ibrahim.
"As per our information, Dawood is in Pakistan. When I went to America last year to discuss inland security, I met the Attorney General who looks after the FBI. I talked to him and we decided that we will pass whatever information we have on Dawood amongst each other. We decided we will make joint efforts," Shinde said when asked about the whereabouts of Dawood who is wanted in a number of cases by Indian agencies including the 1993 Mumbai blasts.
Singh also alleged that Shinde had regularly interfered in Delhi Police's functioning.
In his interview to TV channels, Singh used the shoulder of former Delhi Police Commissioner Neeraj Kumar to fire at Shinde claiming that "slips used to reach Delhi Police chief quite often asking about posting some people as Station House Officers".
"These were not a few postings but in large number of police stations," he told the channels.
"I don't know whether money used to exchange hands but Delhi Police Commissioner told me that numerous slips used to come from his residence... you don't make large number of recommendations... the postings as SHO's has a vigilance angle to it," he said.
Singh had earlier claimed there were quarrels between him and Shinde.
When Shinde was asked to respond to reported remarks by Singh in an interview, he said, "One needs to run administration very well and if anybody fails to do his duty, I am bound to take action against him in the capacity as Home Minister."
Singh, during his media interview, had claimed that he had many quarrels with Shinde over various issues and also alleged that Congress-led UPA government was "clueless" about governance and that its ministers were steeped in corruption.
In what was seen as a snub to Singh, Anil Goswami was also named as his successor weeks before the end of the incumbent's superannuation.
Singh was also criticised for not making any attempt to inform the family of Afzal Guru, the death row convict in Parliament attack case, who was hanged on February nine last year.
He claimed Delhi Police was stopped by Shinde from questioning a Mumbai-based businessman, who is said to have "some kind of links" with Dawood Ibrahim, in connection with the betting in Indian Premier League, a T-20 cricketing tournament.
Singh, now a BJP member, also said that there was no assurance given by the US on Dawood Ibrahim. He said that a meeting of the US and Home Ministry officials took place but there was no assurance by the US.
Earlier, Shinde had said that joint efforts with the US were being made to nab India's most wanted terrorist Dawood Ibrahim.
"As per our information, Dawood is in Pakistan. When I went to America last year to discuss inland security, I met the Attorney General who looks after the FBI. I talked to him and we decided that we will pass whatever information we have on Dawood amongst each other. We decided we will make joint efforts," Shinde said when asked about the whereabouts of Dawood who is wanted in a number of cases by Indian agencies including the 1993 Mumbai blasts.
Singh also alleged that Shinde had regularly interfered in Delhi Police's functioning.
In his interview to TV channels, Singh used the shoulder of former Delhi Police Commissioner Neeraj Kumar to fire at Shinde claiming that "slips used to reach Delhi Police chief quite often asking about posting some people as Station House Officers".
"These were not a few postings but in large number of police stations," he told the channels.
"I don't know whether money used to exchange hands but Delhi Police Commissioner told me that numerous slips used to come from his residence... you don't make large number of recommendations... the postings as SHO's has a vigilance angle to it," he said.
Singh had earlier claimed there were quarrels between him and Shinde.
When Shinde was asked to respond to reported remarks by Singh in an interview, he said, "One needs to run administration very well and if anybody fails to do his duty, I am bound to take action against him in the capacity as Home Minister."
Singh, during his media interview, had claimed that he had many quarrels with Shinde over various issues and also alleged that Congress-led UPA government was "clueless" about governance and that its ministers were steeped in corruption.
In what was seen as a snub to Singh, Anil Goswami was also named as his successor weeks before the end of the incumbent's superannuation.
Singh was also criticised for not making any attempt to inform the family of Afzal Guru, the death row convict in Parliament attack case, who was hanged on February nine last year.
-
Read more at: http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/shinde-protected-businessman-close-to-dawood-alleges-former-home-secretary-rk-singh/1/336015.html
Read more at: http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/shinde-protected-businessman-close-to-dawood-alleges-former-home-secretary-rk-singh/1/336015.html
Rajiv Assasination –
Unanswered questions
Rajiv Gandhi assasination – leaves many unanswered questions – Unsolved puzzles. For whom did Rajiv Gandhi got assisinated ? Sudhangan raised various questions which didn’t get answers till 2009. Here are those questions that are unanswered:
1) On 21 -May-1991 Rajiv gandhi started from Delhi for election campaign and reached Chennai through the route Orissa and Andra Pradesh. How did he accepted that midnight meeting at Sriperambuthur which was not in the agenda of TamilNadu Congress committe. ?
2) Is there any plan made somewhere to bring Rajiv Gandhi to Sriperambathur some how ?
3) The Security official Mr O.P.Sagar was there with Rajiv Gandhi when he campaigned at Bhubaneshwar and Vishakapattinam. But he didnt come to chennai along with Rajiv. Why ?
4) Bulgarian television journalists came along with Rajiv during his visits to record his campaigns. They were with Rajiv in Orissa and Andha Predesh but didnt come for the next meeting. They stayed in a luxary hotel at Vishakapatinam along with their special flight pilot. In that case why did they came ?
5) When Rajiv was about to start, there was a problem in the flight. So he went back to circuit house from the airport. After the problem in flight got fixed, the chief minister of Andha Pradesh Mr.VijayaBhaskar Reddy informed Rajiv to get back to airport and Rajiv went to airport. During this time the two Bulgerian journalists took the security official Sagar along in their car and arrived at airport late. So the security official could not go along with Rajiv gandhi. Why did such an experienced security official was made not to travel with Rajiv ?
6) The security official of Rajiv at chennai P.C.Gupta was waiting at chennai airport for Rajiv. P.C.Gupts is suppose to get the gun from Sagar who was expected along with Rajiv. Since Sagar has not come along with Rajiv, P.C.Gupta was made to go with Rajiv without gun. Is there any intenton behind this ?
7) When Rajiv started from Meenambakkam, two ladies claiming as journalists got inside his car at Ramavaram. Did their identities verified ? Why did the special investigation branch didnt enquire on them ?
8) Who are the Bulgarian journalists ? Where did they went ?
9) Who are those two lady journalists ? Where did they went ?
10) Those two lady journalists interviewed Rajiv Gandhi. But TamilNadu political party people, Tha. Pandiyan and Maragatham Chandrasekar were telling they didnt know what Rajiv spoke with the journalists. What are the hiding ?
11) Just one hour before his murder, Rajiv told it was CIA that killed the pakistan president Zia-ul-Haq. Why shoud he tell that ? What made him to tell that ? Did he know if there is some plan like that against him ?
12) July-1991 – The central home minister S.P.Chawan made a statement that apart from LTTE there are other international organizations and powerful external forces involved in the background of Rajiv’s murder. Who are they referred here ?
13) Why didn’t the special investination branch enquire on the above home minister’s statement ?
14) During the gulf war India helped fueling US aircrafts. Rajiv gandhi seriously condemmed this help which was done by primie minister Mr Chandrasekar during that time. Why didnt the special investigation branch enquire on CIA’s hands on this murder, as US was not happy with Rajiv for the above reason ?
15) Palestinian National Authority president, Mr. Yasser Arafat informed to the indian prime minister during the time Mr .Chandrasekar that ‘Rajiv Gandhi’s life is under threat’. From where did Arafat got this information ? Who is threatening Rajiv ? Why did special investigation branch didnt enquire on this ?
16) Arafat could have got this information if the assasination was planned at western Europe or middle eastern countries. Why is this not probed ?
17) Maragatham Chandrasekar came to attend that meeting with Rajiv Gandhi. Her daughter, Latha Priyakumar came with her husband and advocate Mahendran from Arakonam. But it was unknown from where did her son Lalith Chandrasekar and his wife Vinothini came from. Though it is known that Vinothini is daughter of Jayavarthane from Sri Lanka, they didn’t enquire on her. Infact they didnt enquire their family who was there at the meeting. why ?
18) Sivarasan’s mother and Vinothini’s father are sinhalas from Sri Lanka who were present at the incident. It is possible that they were sent by Sri Lankan president Premadasa as messangers. Premadasa is not happy with Rajiv on sending the Indian peace keeping force (IPKF) to Sri Lanka. Why was the investigation not done in that angle ? ( Also we should note here a Sinhala Sri Lankan army person hit Rajiv Gandhi with a gun during his visit to Sri Lanka )
19) Both LTTE and Sri Lanka hate Rajiv gandhi as he is the reaon for sending Indian peace keeping force (IPKF) to Sri Lanka. Advocate Mr Chandrasekar challenged special investigation branch that, if they could prove Vinothini and her family are innocent then those who did the crime will accept it on their own. But the special investination didnt accept his challence and not enquired those who is related on this. why ?
20) Kamini Disanayaka, Athulath Muthali, Wickramasinghe are prominant politicians in Sri Lanka. When all those people are murdered president Premadasa was pointed. Why did’t the investigation didnt happen in this angle ?
21) Why dont Sivarasan, Dhanu and Subha did this murder due to pressure from external forces. Just because they are Tamils from yarlpanam, did the investigators linked them with LTTE and closed the case ?
22) What is the strong evidence that links LTTE and its head Prabhakaran to Rajiv’s assasination case. ?
23) What is the proof that Srivarasan spoke to Prabhakaran thro a radio. Why is this not an assumption ?
24) It is very much possible that politicians within the congress could have considered Rajiv Gandhi is blocking their development within the party and could have hired some group to assasinate Rajiv. This motivation cannot be denied.
25) Various international business people specifically those selling weapons would have been in contact with Rajiv as a prime minister. They could have hired the assasinators to do this murder. Did investigators probed this ?
26) What if Sri Lanka did this, thinking India might send the Indian peace keeping force again to their country and didnt like a strong leader emerging from India ?
27) CIA always had interest in erradicating leaders in all third world countries. Did the same kind of interest got applied on Rajiv ?
28) Rajiv Gandhi is the only leader who prevents the other prominant political party in India BJP to get into power. It is possible that the indian parties like BJP and RSS could have used the ‘Hindu favourable’ LTTE and Sri Lankan tamils to do this assasination.
29) When other major Congress party members in Tamilnadu like Vazhapaadi and Moopanar didnt take interest in getting Rajiv to this meeting, Maragatham Chandrasekar traveled to Delhi and forced Rajiv to come for this meeting at Sriperambuthur. Is that without her knowledge she become one reason for Rajiv’s murder ?
30 ) Who is Pottu Amaan ? Is there a person like that ? LTTE says there was a senior person by name Amaan who died war and the only person there is Pottu. How did the special investigation branch stamped someone who is not alive as second criminal in this case ?
31) There are many parallels between the murder of Padmanabha and that of Rajiv Gandhi. Padmanabha’s murder was investigaed by TamilNadu queue branch police and Rajiv Gandhi’s murder was investigated by special investigation branch. Both the investigators are telling the murder was planned at Yarlpanam, Sri Lanka. Sivaraasan was identified as the prime criminal in both the Padmanabha’s case as well as Rajiv’ case. Prabhakaran was considered criminal in Rajiv’s assasination case bur was not in Padmanabha’s case. How come ? It shows adding Prabhakaran’s name came out of political decision rather than that came out from investigations. It is clearly an effort taken by special investigation branch to to give life to their case intentionally.
32) A famous Sri Lankan tamil poet Kasi. Anandan met Rajiv at the airport. What message did he got from Prabhakaran to Rajiv gandhi ? If Prabhakaran seeked Rajiv’s help in the freedom struggle of Tamil Eelam through Kasi Anandan, why would Prabhakaran murder Rajiv Gandhi ?
33) Prabhakaran knows it is from India and TamilNadu that he can get support and sympathy. Did Prabhakaran done such a foollish activity by killing Rajiv, to loose all the support of Indians and also get the organization banned ?
34) Latha Kannan stopped Rajiv and read a poetry for him. That enabled Dhanu, a suside bomber standing next to her, to burst the bomb. Why is her name is not included in the criminals list ? Dhanu used only Latha kannan to get inside. When HariBabu who got killed in the blast got included in the criminal’s list why not Latha Kannan ? Why is special investigation branch showing softness towards congress members ?
35) Before getting to SriPambuthur, Rajiv spoke at two roadside gatherings. Vazhapaadi Ramamurthy, the TamilNadu congress leader was with him in those two places. But at Sri Perambuthur meeting he was standing very far from Rajiv. Why so ?
36) Many innocent people and security personnels died along with Rajiv Gandhi. But nothing happened to any of the congress party members not even minor injury. How ?
37) It was believed that Latha Kumar who brought Sivarasan, Dhanu and Subha to SriPerambuthur. She took them specifically to ladies section and told Latha Kannan to take care of them. But Latha Kumar’s name is not in the criminal’s list. Why ?
38) How can we say Prabhakaran is involved just based on an old photograph of Sivarasan with Prabhakaran ?
39) Why is it not possible that Sivarasan, Dhanu and Subha are expelled from LTTE and they have been hired by western, European, Middle East or India as professional assasinators.
40) Ranganathan confessed that it was based on request by Margret Alva that he gave his house at Bangalore for rent to Sivarasan. Did they enquired how far this is true ?
41) Is there any investigation done on involvement of Chandra Swami, Subramanyam Swamy , Chandrasekar and arms business person Kasoki in this murder ?
42) What kind of benifit LTTE get by murdering Rajiv Gandhi ? Did super powers like US helped them by arms through CIA ?
43) Why do we need CBI & Special Investigation branch which find few people they prefer to get the reports ?
Unless all these confusions are clarified, the real culprit will be hiding behind some powerful forces.
Continue reading at NowPublic.com: Rajiv Assasination – Unanswered questions | NowPublic News Coverage http://www.nowpublic.com/world/rajiv-assasination-unanswered-questions#ixzz2Ayg9VI74
People at the helm are protecting Rajiv murder accused’
Former Central Bureau of Investigation’s former chief investigating officer K Ragothaman has claimed in a recently published book — Conspiracy to kill Rajiv: From CBI files – that a lot of facts pertaining to the former prime minister’s assassination were either suppressed, or were studiously ignored.
Ragothamam writes that there were attempts made to protect the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam from being called the conspirators behind Rajiv’s killing. In this interview with rediff.com’s Vicky Nanjappa, Ragothaman speaks about the conspiracy and the hurdles that were faced in a probe in which many aspects were hushed up.
How has your book been received?
That is too early to tell. It is just out, but is under debate. Let us wait and watch.
You write that Dravida Munetra Kazhagam chief M Karunanidhi’s [ Images ] scheduled public meeting in Sriperumbudur on May 21, 1991, the day Rajiv was killed, was abruptly cancelled.
Karunanidhi was to address a meeting at 6′O clock that evening, two hours before Rajiv’s meeting. The police had made all arrangements. Then there was a telegram from the Anna Arivalyam postal office jurisdiction that the meeting was cancelled.
I probed the sender of that telegram. I was told to ask Karunanidhi about the same. However, I could not investigate him directly. Later, I was told by my superiors that the matter was being looked into, and I should remain quiet.
I was also told that it was a director general of police, Rangaswamy, who had advised that the meeting be cancelled. However, when I looked at the Rangaswamy affidavit, it read that he had ordered as much police force as possible in view of this meeting.
I also attended the Jain commission inquiry in which Karunanidhi was examined. He had said then that it was the then governor, Bhishma Narayan Singh, who had told him to cancel the meeting. Look at the contradictions.
Who according to you was the one who advised cancellation of the Karunanidhi meeting?
Probably it was Marumalarchi Dravida Munetra Kazhagam leader Vaiko who telephoned and sought cancellation of the meeting. The telephone records needed to be examined, but it was never done.
Why do you think Vaiko tried to stop Karunanidhi?
After Rajiv’s assassination, many DMK workers were attacked, their offices burnt. If Karunanidhi had gone there, he would have been in trouble and there would have been an onslaught. Hence, they were trying to protect him.
Does this mean even Karunanidhi was part of the plot?
No, that is not what I meant. Karunanidhi is not a killer. He wanted a democratic solution to the problem and this was never liked by slain LTTE [ Images ] chief Prabhakaran.
You accuse Vaiko of having a hand in this entire issue.
Vaiko was the one who spoke vehemently against the Indo-Jaffna accord. Vaiko said at that time he was first an LTTE, then a Tamilian and then an Indian. At the time of the accord, Prabhakaran was brought down to New Delhi [ Images ] and was put up at the Hotel Ashoka.
Vaiko sought to meet him, but he was not allowed to do so. He conversed with Prabhakaran on the intercom, during which the latter told him, “Anna, this Rajiv has betrayed me. I feel like committing suicide as he is sealing my fate. But I cannot kill myself as I need to fight for my people.”
Vaiko wrote a book later in which he mentions that Prabakaran had thought of committing suicide.
Tell us more, sir…
When Vaiko had gone to Sri Lanka [ Images ], we had secured a videotape titled Inside a Tiger’s Cave which has him on tape. There he spoke everything that was anti-Rajiv. It appeared that he was more against Rajiv than Prabakaran himself. This was also a point noted during our investigation.
Then there is also a meeting in which Vaiko says that Rajiv won’t go back alive from Tamil Nadu. He, however, retracted that statement. During the investigation, we questioned one Chinna who is on death row.
He said that in one of the hideouts, Sivarasan (the prime accused in the assassination) held talks with one Srinivas Ayya and said that after the successful completion of the mission, they should ensure that Vaiko becomes the chief minister of Tamil Nadu.
Why was the evidence not used then?
This is a question that I have been asking. We had so much evidence, but surprisingly Vaiko was roped in as prosecution witness number 250 in the Terrorist and Disruptive Activities court.
During the trial, he denied speaking all of which was on video with Prabhakaran. The video was played out. He claimed that it was him in the video but the voice was not his. It was sent for examination and the voice too was confirmed, but till date there is no perjury case against him.
You have alleged that even the Intelligence Bureau and the Research and Analysis Wing tried to cover up LTTE’s role?
After the assassination, Chandrashekhar, the then prime minister, convened a meeting in which even Janata Party president Subramanian Swamy (then minister of commerce and industry) was present. The then IB chief, MK Narayanan, and RAW boss, GS Bajpai, were also present.
Swamy said that it was obvious that the LTTE was responsible. Bajpai retorted that it was not the LTTE. The meeting was adjourned. Meanwhile, the CBI director had gone to Colombo for the investigation.
They were called back and rushed to Delhi for the meeting. During the meeting, it was again asked why a trip was made to Colombo and did that mean it was preconceived that it was the LTTE which was behind the assassination.
Bajpai once again opposed this. He even quoted one Kittu to be his source. Kittu, incidentally, was Prabhakaran’s right hand man. An LTTE man could never have been a RAW mole and even Dr Swamy had termed this as absurd.
What are your allegations against Narayanan?
A video taken at the meeting on that ill-fated day in which there were images of Dhanu was never made available to the CBI. The assassination team was waiting for nearly two hours in a sterile area. The original video reached Narayanan.
The government had decided to conduct an investigation in this regard and this case was registered with the Special Investigating Team and the CBI. However, it was buried. My question is, why no action has been taken for suppressing evidence.
It was being said that Dhanu had barged into the meeting, but this video clearly shows that they were waiting for a long time. We probed this case risking our own lives and it does upset me that people sitting at the helm of affairs are protecting the accused.
Do you think the loopholes will be rectified now?
Let us see.
Judge Watch
- Corruption,
Immunity, Contempt &
Right to Information
The course of justice is often perverted by corruption within the judiciary and indeed within the entire system of administration of justice. This is exacerbated by the total lack of accountability of the higher judiciary including the lack of any effective disciplinary mechanism, the self acquired protection from even being investigated for criminal offences, the virtual immunity from public criticism due to the law of contempt, and finally the immunity from public scrutiny by another judicially created insulation from the Right to Information Act.
- Anti-poor
Bias
The judicial system is increasingly used by the ruling establishment for pushing through neo liberal policies by which resources such as land, water and public spaces left with the poor and being increasingly appropriated by the rich and the powerful. This elitist and anti poor bias makes the judicial system an instrument for protecting and furthering the interest of the rich and powerful, both Indian and foreign. This section will ‘watch’ the judges and expose their biases and any corrupt and arbitrary practices. They must see that the people are scrutinizing them and their judgments carefully.
Submitting Information
Judge Watch will contain information /
analysis regarding any misconduct by a judge as well as anything showing the
anti-poor bias of a judge.
The campaign welcomes well researched
information concerning judges from any court. However, we cannot ensure that
every dossier sent will be uploaded on this site or made public. All
submissions must be accompanied by the relevant/required documents that may
provide evidence in support of any allegations/observations made against any
judge or judicial officer.
One reference document is the "Restatement
of Values of Judicial Life",a code of conduct,
adopted at a full court meeting of the Supreme Court on May 7, 1997 . The
Campaign does not subscribe to this as a complete document, but a starting
point.
To send in information for the Judge
Watch section please see the following document. Judge Watch Format [Word, 20 KB]
Judge Watch on Justice V.Ramaswami
- Name of Judge: Justice V.Ramaswami
- Post Held at Relevant Time: Chief Justice of P&H High Court
- Current Status: Rtd. Judge of Supreme Court of India
- Analysis/Comment/Critique:
The first-ever impeachment motion against a SC judge, Justice V. Ramaswami, was signed by 108 MPs in 1991. A year later, an inquiry found Ramaswami “guilty of willful and gross misuses of office… “While serving as the Chief Justice of the Punjab and Haryana High Court”. Ramaswami survived the impeachment process as Parliament got divided along regional lines, southern MPs strongly supported him. Only 196 members of Parliament, less than the required two-thirds, voted for his ouster. - Additional documents in support of critique:
Motion of Impeachment
- pdf (64
KB)
A Historic non-impeachment -)pdf (29.5 KB)
A Historic non-impeachment -)pdf (29.5 KB)
- Details
of individual / organisation writing critique:
Name: Committee on Judicial Accountability
Address: 66 Lawyers Chambers, Supreme Court of India, New Delhi - If
the critique is in respect of a judge please provide
a softcopy and/or hardcopy of the judgement
Judge Watch on Justice Madan Mohan
Puchhi
- Name of Judge: Justice Madan Mohan Punchhi
- Rank: Former Chief Justice of India
- Court: Supreme Court of India
- Analysis/Comment/Critique:
This charge sheet was prepared by the
Committee on Judicial Accountability in 1998, when Justice Punchhi was a judge
of the Supreme Court of India. It was signed by 25 MPs of Rajya Sabha. However,
before it could get the signature of the requisite number of 50 MPs of Rajya
Sabha, Justice Punchhi was appointed Chief Justice of India. After this, it
became virtually impossible to get the Notice of Motion signed by any MPs.
Consequently, Notice of Motion could not be presented to the Speaker. The imp
lesson of this exercise was that it is very difficult to get the MPs sign the
impeachment motion unless three conditions are satisfied. Firstly, the charges
must be very serious; secondly they must be provable by documentary evidence
which is annexed to the Notice of Motion and finally, the charges must have
been given substantial publicity in the media.
In the absence of all the three
conditions been satisfied, MPs are afraid and reluctant to sign a charge sheet
against a sitting judge. It is normally exceedingly difficult to get
documentary evidence to prove charge against sitting judge, particularly in the
absence of a statutory investigation by an agency having powers of
investigation. Moreover, the bulk of the main stream media is afraid to
publicise charges against the sitting judge for fear of contempt. In
Ramaswami’s case, the above three conditions were satisfied. Documentary
evidence was available against Ramaswami because of the report of the
Accountant General who audited the purchases made by Ramaswami as Chief Justice
of Punjab and Haryana High Court. This is why, impeachment of judges, however
corrupt they might be, is not a practical remedy in discipling them.
- Additional documents in support of critique:
Justice M.M.Punchhi -
Notice of Motion - pdf (70
KB)
- Details
of individual / organisation writing critique:
Name: Committee on Judicial Accountability
Address: 66 Lawyers Chambers, Supreme Court of India, New Delhi - If
the critique is in respect of a judge please provide
a softcopy and/or hardcopy of the judgement
Judge Watch on Justice A. S. Anand
- Name of Judge: Justice A.S.Anand
- Rank: Former Chief Justice of India
- Court: Supreme Court of India
- Analysis/Comment/Critique:
Serious allegations of corruption and favouritism were raised against Justice A.S.Anand former Chief Justice of India pertaining to the period when he was the Judge and the Chief Justice of the Jammu and Kashmir High Court.
These unrebutted allegations were
supported by valid authentic documents and were severely raised at the time
when Justice Anand was the Chief Justice of India but nothing was ever done in
this regard.
- Additional documents in support of critique:
Allegations aganist
J. A.S.Anand - pdf (15.5
KB)
- Details
of individual / organisation writing critique:
Name: Committee on Judicial Accountability
Address: 66 Lawyers Chambers, Supreme Court of India, New Delhi - If
the critique is in respect of a judge please provide
a softcopy and/or hardcopy of the judgement
Judge Watch on Justice Vijendra Jain
- Name of Judge: Justice Vijendra Jain
- Post held at the relevant time: Judge at Delhi High Court
- Currrent Status: Chief Justice of Punjab and Haryana High Court
- Analysis/Comment/Critique:
Justice Vijender Jain had decided a
case of a litigant Hari Ram who was the father-in-law of Justice Arun Kumar,
Former Supreme Court Judge and a close friend of Justice Vijendra Jain. They
personally knew well enough to have Hari Ram’s granddaughter married from his
official residence. This is in violation of one of the elements of the Code of
Conduct or “Restatement of Judicial Values”, adopted by the Full court in 1997
which says that no judge shall hear and decide a case of his relative or
friend. Even then Justice Vijendra Jain has been recommended as Chief Justice
of Punjab and Haryana High Court.
A complaint made by Subhash Agarwal
against Justice Jain was rejected with no formal reasons given but he was
informally told that Justice Jain did not personally know Hari Ram but since
Hari Ram was the Father-in-law of Justice Arun Kumar, a close friend of Justice
Jain, Justice Jain agreed to lend his residence for the wedding of Hari Ram’s
granddaughter.
The Committee on Judicial
Accountability wrote letters to the President and Prime Minister of India and
requested them to get all correspondences made by the Complainant Subhash
Agrawal to the Supreme Court in this regard.
- Additional
documents in support of critique:
Letters sent by Committee on Judicial Accountability
Letter to President
12.8.06 - pdf (8.03
KB)
Letter to Prime Minister-)pdf (6.24 KB)
Sunday Guardian web news article 28.11.10-)pdf (132 KB)
[The name of Justice Vijender Jain, even though clearly mentioned in the tape has been withheld in this news item though the conversation itself makes it very clear who the concerned judge is.]
Letter to Prime Minister-)pdf (6.24 KB)
Sunday Guardian web news article 28.11.10-)pdf (132 KB)
[The name of Justice Vijender Jain, even though clearly mentioned in the tape has been withheld in this news item though the conversation itself makes it very clear who the concerned judge is.]
- Details
of individual / organisation writing critique:
Name: Committee on Judicial Accountability
Address: 66 Lawyers Chambers, Supreme Court of India, New Delhi
Judge Watch on Justice Ashok Kumar
- Name of Judge: Justice Ashok Kumar
- Rank: Additional Judge
- Court: High Court of Chennai
- Analysis/Comment/Critique:
The case of Judge Ashok Kumar of Madras
who was formerly a session’s judge and has been given a permanent position in
the Chennai High Court by the Chief Justice of India in February 2007 is
horrifying. When the complaints were levelled against him of corruption, an
inquiry report by the Intelligence Bureau (IB) gave an even more horrendous
report against him. But all the reports were ignored and he was promoted to the
High Court. This happened due to the political pressure from the Central
Government, as the judge was close to DMK government (now ruling party of the
State) and DMK government threatened to withdraw support from the UPA
government. So it is due to that, that the law minister asked the CJI to give
extensions and finally made Ashok Kumar a High Court judge.
- Additional documents in support of critique:
Petition on the
appointment of Justice A.Kumar - pdf (51.6
KB)
SC order on Justice A.Kumar's case- pdf (7.9 KB)
Are CJIs following rules in appointment of Judges?-)pdf (6.93 KB)
Justice Ashok Kumar appoinment chalenged- pdf (10.0 KB)
SC order on Justice A.Kumar's case- pdf (7.9 KB)
Are CJIs following rules in appointment of Judges?-)pdf (6.93 KB)
Justice Ashok Kumar appoinment chalenged- pdf (10.0 KB)
- Details
of individual / organisation writing critique:
Name: Committee on Judicial Accountability
Address: 66 Lawyers Chambers, Supreme Court of India, New Delhi - If
the critique is in respect of a judge please provide
a softcopy and/or hardcopy of the judgement
Judge Watch on Justice Jagdish Bhalla
This is the case where the documentary evidence was available to show that the judge has purchased the property worth crores in few lakhs in the name of his wife from well-known criminal who have illegally grabbed the land. There were inquiry reports of the Additional District Magistrate and Superintendent of Police which attested to these facts. However, despite this documentary evidence being brought to the notice of the then Chief Justice of India, he neither ordered an independent investigation nor did he allow the Committee on Judicial Accountability to get a regular FIR registered, so that a normal police investigation could have taken place. This was despite the fact that under the in-house procedure, supposedly adopted by the Supreme Court of India in 1999 for investigating charges against the judges, at least an in-house committee of judges could have formed to investigate the charges against Justice Bhalla. However instead of doing that, the then Chief Justice Y.K. Sabbarwal recommended Justice Bhalla to be the Chief Justice of Kerala High Court. His appointment as Chief Justice was stopped only because of the complaint made by the Committee on Judicial Accountability to the President of India, who sent the matter back to reconsideration to the Supreme Court collegium, which thereafter could not reiterate its recommendation because of the opposition of one of the judges of the collegium, Justice B.N.Aggarwal. However, thereafter Justice Bhalla has been transferred as a judge of Chattisgarh High Court where he has been appointed as acting Chief Justice by the notification of Law Ministry. This was despite of the objection of the Committee on Judicial Accountability, that a judge, who was not found suitable as Chief Justice of Kerala, cannot be appointed as Acting Chief Justice of another High Court.
The case of Justice Bhalla demonstrates the hollowness of the so-called in-house procedure supposedly adopted by the Supreme Court for investigating charges against judges. It also demonstrates the pernicious impact of the Veraswami judgement which prevents any police investigation against a judge without the prior permission of the Chief Justice of India. The brotherhood among the judges and the fear among judges that any criminal investigation against the sitting judge would tarnish the image of Indian Judiciary has let to a situation whereby not a single sitting judge has been subjected to criminal investigation in the 17 years since the Veeraswamy judgement.
Impeachment Motion and Press Releases
- Press Release on the Proposed Elevation of Justice Bhalla - pdf (10.5 KB)
- Impeachment Motion sent to Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha with explanatory note- pdf (64.8 KB)
- Press Release on the Motion of Impeachmentagainst Justice Bhalla - pdf (42.8 KB)
Additional documents in support
- Letter to President 12.4.07 JB - pdf (6.94 KB)
- Letter to CJI 20.3.07 JB -)pdf (12 KB)
- Letter for Consultation to President 3.2.07 JB - pdf (6.94 KB)
- Application to register FIR against 1.11.06 JB - pdf (49.2 KB)
- Complaint to Y.K.Sabarwal 12.7.06 JB - pdf (28.1 KB)
Details of individual / organisation
writing critique:
Name: Committee on Judicial Accountability
Address: 66 Lawyers Chambers, Supreme Court of India, New Delhi
Name: Committee on Judicial Accountability
Address: 66 Lawyers Chambers, Supreme Court of India, New Delhi
Judge Watch on Justice Y.K.Sabharwal
Former CJI, Justice Y.K.Sabharwal set
in motion the process of sealing of properties in designated residential areas
of Delhi which were being used for commercial purposes. This sealing went on
relentlessly under the continuous supervision of Chief Justice Sabharwal’s
bench, monitored and directed by a Court appointed monitoring committee. When
the government came up with a new master plan of Delhi 2021 which allowed mixed
use and commercial activity in many of the areas which were designated as
residential, Justice Sabharwal orders on the sealing continued.
Some of the facts which were not
publicly known was that his two sons, Chetan and Nitin had entered into
partnerships with big Mall and Commercial complex developers and had become big
Commercial complex developers themselves during that time. It was clear that
these orders were giving direct benefit to his sons’ business. His orders are
against the principles of natural justice, which say that no judge can hear a
case in which he is personally interested. There was a serious conflict of
interest in this case which renders his orders a nullity. It is in fact arguable
that his dealing with this case in such circumstances involves an offence under
the Prevention of Corruption Act.
At the same time, it was also found
that several plots were allotted to the Companies or relatives of Justice
Sabharwal and which needs to be investigated to see if undue favour was shown
to them and if so whether there was any quid pro quo in terms of judicial
orders.
The facts thrown up in this case have
very disturbing implications about the integrity of our judiciary in the
highest places.
Other Interventions
- Justice Sabharwal's Defence Becomes Murkier: Stifling Public Exposure By Using Contempt Powers -Press Release- pdf (41 KB)
- Securing Judicial Accountability Freedom Of Speech vs. Contempt Towards An Independent Judicial Commission by Prashant Bhushan - pdf (40 KB)
- Shocking Abuse of Judicial Power; Hindu editorial; Sep 24,2007-pdf (10.6KB)
- Sabharwal on Trial; Times of India - pdf (28 KB)
- Contept of Justice; Outlook online-pdf (85 KB)
Tehelka Investigation
- Office of Profit: A Stink You Should Smell by Sanjay Dubey- pdf (35 KB)
- Instead of helping shopkeepers, he made his sons rich- pdf (48 KB)
- Silence Lies: Tehelka view by Shoma Chaudhary- pdf (138 KB)
"Wither Judicial Accountability? The case of Justice Sabharwal: Disquieting facts, disturbing implications"- Press Conference held on Aug 03, 2007
Press Conference was organised to highlight a grave case of Judicial Misconduct at the Apex of the Indian Judiciary. It disclosed how the then Chief Justice of India who had spearheaded the sealing drive was mired in serious conflict of interest in as much as his sons were deeply involved in the business of shopping malls and commercial complexes who stood to benefit from this sealing drive. It was addressed by Shri Shanti Bhushan, former Union Law Minister, Mr. Bhaskar Rao, Chairman, Centre for Media Studies, and Mr. Prashant Bhushan, advocate, Supreme Court among other. The Press Conference was attended by 40 news agencies and 80 participants.
- Press Release - pdf (40.5 KB)
- Supporting Documents - pdf (2.33 MB)
Mid-day Investigation
- Mid Day articles - Lift kara de -pdf (74.3 KB)
- It all squares up -pdf (80 KB)
- Shock anger -pdf (100 KB)
- Injustice - pdf (187 KB)
- Gol Mall Hai - pdf (162 KB)
- Affidavits filed …Tayal….Vitusha
- Details
of individual / organisation writing critique:
Name: Committee on Judicial Accountability
Address: 66 Lawyers Chambers, Supreme Court of India, New Delhi - Post held at the relevant time: Chief Justice of India, Supreme Court
- Current Status: Retd Chief Justice of India, Supreme Court
Judge Watch on Justice P. D. Dinakaran
FThe Supreme Court collegium headed by
Chief Justice K G Balakrishnan and including Justice S.H. Kapadia, Justice
Tarun Chatterjee and Justice R.V. Raveendran had recommended in August 2009, Justice P.D. Dinakaran, the Chief Justice of Karnataka High
Court, for elevation to the Supreme Court. The recommendations came along with
the names of four other Judges for elevation to the Apex court namely, Justice
AK Patnayak (Chief Justice of Madhya Pradesh High Court), Justice Tirath Singh
Thakur, (Chief Justice of Punjab and Haryana High Court), Justice SS Nijjar
(Chief Justice of Calcutta High Court) and Justice KS Radhakrishna ( Chief
Justice of Gujarat High Court). While the decks were cleared for the elevation
of the latter four Judges, iimmediately after the news of Justice Dinakaran’s
proposed appointment became known, a group of highly respected and responsible
lawyers from Chennai called the Forum for Judicial Accountability sent a series
of representations to the Collegium and the government detailing several very
damaging allegations against him. These included, acquiring more than 350 acres
of agricultural land and encroaching on another more than hundred acres of
public land; acquiring properties benami and far beyond his known sources of
income; hearing and deciding cases of his friends etc. All the allegations were
backed by unimpeachable documentary evidence.
Though the Chief Justice of India, continued to back him, he ordered an inquiry into the allegation regarding his agricultural land by the District Magistrate, who confirmed the allegations including his encroachment of public land. Thereafter Justice Dinakaran tried to destroy evidence and threatened the revenue officials who went to stop this destruction of evidence. All this came to be widely reported in the media. An embarrassed PMO forced a reluctant Law Minister Moily to return the recommendation to the collegium for reconsideration. The collegium did not withdraw the recommendation, but merely put it on hold. No “in house inquiry” was ordered either.
Meanwhile people questioned how Dinakaran could continue as Chief Justice of Karnataka in the light of such serious offences that he had committed. There was also the demand that FIRs should be registered and the offences that he had committed be investigated. The Chief Justice of India however did not give permission for registering any FIR against Justice Dinakaran. This left no option but to initiate impeachment proceedings against him. The Forum for Judicial Accountability prepared the impeachment motion which was sent to all the political parties by a campaign for signatures. Eventually 75 MPs of the Rajya Sabha, belonging to many political parties except the Congress party signed the impeachment motion and presented it to the Vice President. The motion was soon admitted by the Vice President forcing Justice Dinakaran to stop discharging judicial functions.
The procedure laid down by the Judges Inquiry Act for proceeding with an impeachment motion is that the Vice President appoints an enquiry committee consisting of a sitting judge of the Supreme Court, a Chief Justice of a High Court and a jurist to enquire into the charges against him. Only if the enquiry committee finds him guilty does the matter proceed further for a voting in the two houses of Parliament. The motion for his removal has to be then passed by a two third majority in each house. Only then can he be removed. Though there is no requirement under the Judges Inquiry Act for the Vice President to consult the Chief Justice in the choice of members of the enquiry committee, he consulted the Chief Justice, who recommended two judges of the Supreme Court and two Chief Justices of the High Court. Based on the Chief Justice’s advice, the Vice President has appointed an inquiry committee comprising of Justice V.S. Sirupurkar of the Supreme Court, Chief Justice A.R. Dave of the A.P. High Court and Shri P.P. Rao as the jurist.
The Campaign for Judicial Accountability and Reform as well as the Forum for Judicial Accountability have however written to the V.P. pointing out that Justice Sirupurkar has not only been a close friend and colleague of Justice Dinakaran, but he has also prejudged the issue, telling several responsible lawyers that he knows Justice Dinakaran well and that he is an independently wealthy and honourable man. Moreover, Shri P.P. Rao had been formally consulted by Justice Dinakaran on how he should deal with these charges and that he had advised him on the matter. In these circumstances, they would not be seen to be impartial and therefore should not sit as judges on this inquiry committee to avoid damage to the credibility of the inquiry and further controversy. However till the date of writing they have not yet recused themselves.
Though the Chief Justice of India, continued to back him, he ordered an inquiry into the allegation regarding his agricultural land by the District Magistrate, who confirmed the allegations including his encroachment of public land. Thereafter Justice Dinakaran tried to destroy evidence and threatened the revenue officials who went to stop this destruction of evidence. All this came to be widely reported in the media. An embarrassed PMO forced a reluctant Law Minister Moily to return the recommendation to the collegium for reconsideration. The collegium did not withdraw the recommendation, but merely put it on hold. No “in house inquiry” was ordered either.
Meanwhile people questioned how Dinakaran could continue as Chief Justice of Karnataka in the light of such serious offences that he had committed. There was also the demand that FIRs should be registered and the offences that he had committed be investigated. The Chief Justice of India however did not give permission for registering any FIR against Justice Dinakaran. This left no option but to initiate impeachment proceedings against him. The Forum for Judicial Accountability prepared the impeachment motion which was sent to all the political parties by a campaign for signatures. Eventually 75 MPs of the Rajya Sabha, belonging to many political parties except the Congress party signed the impeachment motion and presented it to the Vice President. The motion was soon admitted by the Vice President forcing Justice Dinakaran to stop discharging judicial functions.
The procedure laid down by the Judges Inquiry Act for proceeding with an impeachment motion is that the Vice President appoints an enquiry committee consisting of a sitting judge of the Supreme Court, a Chief Justice of a High Court and a jurist to enquire into the charges against him. Only if the enquiry committee finds him guilty does the matter proceed further for a voting in the two houses of Parliament. The motion for his removal has to be then passed by a two third majority in each house. Only then can he be removed. Though there is no requirement under the Judges Inquiry Act for the Vice President to consult the Chief Justice in the choice of members of the enquiry committee, he consulted the Chief Justice, who recommended two judges of the Supreme Court and two Chief Justices of the High Court. Based on the Chief Justice’s advice, the Vice President has appointed an inquiry committee comprising of Justice V.S. Sirupurkar of the Supreme Court, Chief Justice A.R. Dave of the A.P. High Court and Shri P.P. Rao as the jurist.
The Campaign for Judicial Accountability and Reform as well as the Forum for Judicial Accountability have however written to the V.P. pointing out that Justice Sirupurkar has not only been a close friend and colleague of Justice Dinakaran, but he has also prejudged the issue, telling several responsible lawyers that he knows Justice Dinakaran well and that he is an independently wealthy and honourable man. Moreover, Shri P.P. Rao had been formally consulted by Justice Dinakaran on how he should deal with these charges and that he had advised him on the matter. In these circumstances, they would not be seen to be impartial and therefore should not sit as judges on this inquiry committee to avoid damage to the credibility of the inquiry and further controversy. However till the date of writing they have not yet recused themselves.
Representations by the Forum for
Judicial Accountability to the Collegium
- Representation 1 against Mr.Justice P.D.Dinakaran, Chief Justice, Karnataka High Court - amassing of huge assets, corruption and serious irregularities.- pdf
- Representation 2, Further particulars with supporting materials regarding Mr. Justice P.D.Dinakaran, Chief Justice of Karnataka- pdf
- Representation 3, Details of more acquisitions by Justice P.D.Dinakaran-pdf
- Representation 4, Details of more acquisitions and improper judicial conduct of Justice P.D.Dinakaran.- pdf
Motion for Impeachement of Justice
Dinakaran
The notice of motion for presenting an
address to the President of India for the removal of Justice Dinakaran, Chief
Justice of the Karanataka High Court, under Article 217 read with Article
124(4) of Constitution of India for his various acts of misbehavior, including
dishonest judicial orders, irregular and dishonest administrative actions, etc,
along with an explanatory note on the motion for impeachement. pdf
Press Statement against Survery of
India probe into Justice Dinakaran encroachment
Press Statement issued by the Forum for
Judicial Accountability against the Survey of India spot probe into the
allegations of land encroachment by the Karnataka Chief Justice, P.D.
Dinakaran, to be conducted on December 30th 2009 as reported in a newspaper.
The Forum calls upon the Central Government to recall the three member team deputed by the Survey of India immediately and to await the outcome of the enquiry under the impeachment proceedings. ...statement page 1 statement page 2
The Forum calls upon the Central Government to recall the three member team deputed by the Survey of India immediately and to await the outcome of the enquiry under the impeachment proceedings. ...statement page 1 statement page 2
CJAR letter to the Vice President
regarding the enquiry committee in the Justice Dinakaran impeachment
The Campaign for Judicial
Accountability and Reform has sent a letter to Shri Hamid Ansari, Vice
President of India, regarding the 3 member enquiry committee appointed to
enquire into the motion for removal of Jusitce P.D. Dinakaran. The letter
brings to Shri Ansari's notice that Justice Sirupurkar’s friendship with
Justice Dinakaran, coupled with his prejudgement of the matter, places him in a
position where if he inquires into this matter, justice will not be seen to be
done. The same would be the case with Shri P.P. Rao who has been formally
consulted in the matter by Justice Dinakaran. The letter further requests that
these facts be placed before Justice Sirupurkar and Shri P.P. Rao and they be
asked whether they would like to recuse themselves from the inquiry committee,
to avoid any further controversy in the matter. psdf
Articles
- Extraordinary situations call for extraordinary measures -Justice D Y Shylendra Kumar pdf
- The Dinakaran Imbroglio: Appointments and Complaints against Judges - Mr. Prashant Bhushan pdf
- Details
of individual / organisation writing critique:
Name: Campaign for Judicial Accountability and Reform
Address: 6/6 Jungpura B (basement), Mathura Road, New Delhi: 110014 - Post held at the relevant time: Chief Justice, Karnataka High Court
- Current Status: Chief Justice, Karanataka High Court
Judge Watch on Justice F.I.Rebello
- Name of Judge: Justice F. I. Rebello
- Post Held at Relevant Time: Chief Justice of Allahabad High Court
- Current Status: Chief Justice, Allahabad High Court
- Analysis/Comment/Critique:
Justice Rebello, son after joining as the Chief justice of Allahabad High Court met Ms Mayawati, Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh. He, then issued administrative orders to change the classification of the case related to Ms Mayawati's involvement in Taj Corridor's case. As a result, the case, which was part heard by a different bench was transfered to a completely new bench. This was allegedly done to benefit Ms Mayawati. - Additional documents in support of critique:
CJAR's complaint
against Justice Rebello- pdf
Judicial Accountability It
is important to keep the judiciary in the purview of scrutiny. This section
will provide various subjects to get judiciary accountable to common person.
Appointments
Appointments
Making reference to the K. Veeraswamy’s
Case Shri Shanti Bhushan observed that all judges should declare their assets –
it should be done with pride! Why raise issues of self-respect? He said only
those who have something to hide will be reluctant to disclose their assets! …more
- S.P.Gupta - pdf (1.6
MB)
A seven Judges Bench of Supreme Court extensively considered the issues of Independence of Judiciary in relation to the appointment and transfer of Judges, the issue of appointment of the Additional Judges of the High Court, the issue of the privilege of the Government against disclosure of State documents and the scope of judicial review of the powers exercised by the President.
A seven Judges Bench of Supreme Court extensively considered the issues of Independence of Judiciary in relation to the appointment and transfer of Judges, the issue of appointment of the Additional Judges of the High Court, the issue of the privilege of the Government against disclosure of State documents and the scope of judicial review of the powers exercised by the President.
While deciding the issue of the locus
standi of the petitioning lawyers who had challenged the Circular of the Law
Minister and short-term extensions of Additional Judges on ground of attack on
the independence of the judiciary, Justice P.N. Bhagwati while upholding their
right to do so held that where the effected persons are really helpless, the
Supreme Court will not insist on a regular writ petition to be filed by the
public spirited individual espousing their cause. The Court will readily
respond even to a letter addressed by said individual espousing the public
cause.
A bunch of cases were decided together
in the present case which were raised in two batches of writ petitions filed in
different High Courts which were transferred under Article 139-A to the Supreme
Court since they raised common issues of great constitutional importance. One
writ was also filed in the Supreme Court. Several more related issues were
raised and discussed during the hearing. Each of the Judges delivered a
separate judgment.
- Supreme Court
Advocates-on-Record Association Vs. Union of India
- pdf (475 KB)
This case directed to constitute a Bench of nine Judges to examine the two questions referred therein, namely, the position of the Chief Justice of India with reference to primacy, and justiciability of fixation of Judge strength.
- pdf (475 KB)
This case directed to constitute a Bench of nine Judges to examine the two questions referred therein, namely, the position of the Chief Justice of India with reference to primacy, and justiciability of fixation of Judge strength.
Impeachment
Article 124 (4) of Indian Consitution:
A Judge of the Supreme Court shall not be removed from his office except by an
order of the President passed after an address by each House of Parliament
supported by a majority of the total membership of that House and by a majority
of not less than two-thirds of the members of that House present and voting has
been presented to the President in the same session for such removal on the
ground of proved misbehaviour or incapacity.
- Justice V. Ramaswamy - pdf (64
KB)
The first-ever impeachment motion against a SC judge, Justice V. Ramaswami, was signed by 108 MPs in 1991. A year later, an inquiry found Ramaswami “guilty of willful and gross misuses of office… “While serving as the Chief Justice of the Punjab and Haryana High Court”. Ramaswami survived the impeachment process as Parliament got divided along regional lines, southern MPs strongly supported him. Only 196 members of Parliament, less than the required two-thirds, voted for his ouster.
A Historic Non-impeachement - pdf (29.5 KB)
The first-ever impeachment motion against a SC judge, Justice V. Ramaswami, was signed by 108 MPs in 1991. A year later, an inquiry found Ramaswami “guilty of willful and gross misuses of office… “While serving as the Chief Justice of the Punjab and Haryana High Court”. Ramaswami survived the impeachment process as Parliament got divided along regional lines, southern MPs strongly supported him. Only 196 members of Parliament, less than the required two-thirds, voted for his ouster.
A Historic Non-impeachement - pdf (29.5 KB)
- Justice M.M. Punchi - pdf (70
KB)
This charge sheet was prepared by the Committee on Judicial Accountability in 1998, when Justice Punchhi was a judge of the Supreme Court of India. It was signed by 25 MPs of Rajya Sabha. However, before it could get the signature of the requisite number of 50 MPs of Rajya Sabha, Justice Punchhi was appointed Chief Justice of India. After this, it became virtually impossible to get the Notice of Motion signed by any MPs. Consequently, Notice of Motion could not be presented to the Speaker. The imp lesson of this exercise was that it is very difficult to get the MPs sign the impeachment motion unless three conditions are satisfied. Firstly, the charges must be very serious; secondly they must be provable by documentary evidence which is annexed to the Notice of Motion and finally, the charges must have been given substantial publicity in the media.
This charge sheet was prepared by the Committee on Judicial Accountability in 1998, when Justice Punchhi was a judge of the Supreme Court of India. It was signed by 25 MPs of Rajya Sabha. However, before it could get the signature of the requisite number of 50 MPs of Rajya Sabha, Justice Punchhi was appointed Chief Justice of India. After this, it became virtually impossible to get the Notice of Motion signed by any MPs. Consequently, Notice of Motion could not be presented to the Speaker. The imp lesson of this exercise was that it is very difficult to get the MPs sign the impeachment motion unless three conditions are satisfied. Firstly, the charges must be very serious; secondly they must be provable by documentary evidence which is annexed to the Notice of Motion and finally, the charges must have been given substantial publicity in the media.
In the absence of all the three
conditions been satisfied, MPs are afraid and reluctant to sign a charge sheet
against a sitting judge. It is normally exceedingly difficult to get
documentary evidence to prove charge against sitting judge, particularly in the
absence of a statutory investigation by an agency having powers of
investigation. Moreover, the bulk of the main stream media is afraid to
publicise charges against the sitting judge for fear of contempt. In
Ramaswami’s case, the above three conditions were satisfied. Documentary
evidence was available against Ramaswami because of the report of the
Accountant General who audited the purchases made by Ramaswami as Chief Justice
of Punjab and Haryana High Court. This is why, impeachment of judges, however
corrupt they might be, is not a practical remedy in discipling them.
- Justice A.S. Anand - pdf (15.5
KB)
Serious allegations of corruption and favouritism were raised against Justice A.S.Anand former Chief Justice of India pertaining to the period when he was the Judge and the Chief Justice of the Jammu and Kashmir High Court.
Serious allegations of corruption and favouritism were raised against Justice A.S.Anand former Chief Justice of India pertaining to the period when he was the Judge and the Chief Justice of the Jammu and Kashmir High Court.
Read more articles….. - A conflict between law and morality - pdf (10 KB)
Contempt - Contempt of court: judgement by Justice Arijit Pasayat -pdf (26.5 KB) - Contempt of court: judgement by Justice Raveendran - pdf (24.1 KB) - Judges in their own cause: Contempt of court by Prashant Bhushan-pdf (19.2 KB) - Contempt of court: need for a second look by J.Markandey Katju - pdf (12.5 KB) - Standing Committee report on Contempt - pdf (58.4 KB) - Affidavits of Arundhati Roy pdf (24.2 KB) and Medha Patkar on contempt pdf (17.0 KB)
Right to Information and Judiciary - Right to Information And The Judiciary By Prashant Bhushan - pdf (72 KB)
Investigations against Judges
- Justice K. Veeraswamy - pdf (177
KB)
Justice K.Veeraswamy the then Chief Justice of Madras High Court was charged for possession of assets disproportionate to his known sources of income and a case was filed against him by the CBI under the Prevention of Corruption Act. The High Court of Madras dismissed his Petition for quashing of the Case against him and referred the matter to the Supreme Court for deciding certain questions of law. The Supreme Court while deciding the case against the delinquent Judge laid down strict guidelines to protect the independence of Judiciary according to which no F.I.R. can be registered against a Judge or Chief Justice of the High Court, or a Judge of the Supreme Court without the sanction of the Chief Justice of India in the matter. It was held that the Supreme Court is not a court of limited jurisdiction of only dispute settling, and that the court has been a law maker and it is the courts responsibility and duty to apply the existing law in a form more conducive to the independence of the judiciary. It was also said that any complaint against a Judge and its investigation by the CBI, if given publicity will have a far reaching impact on the judge and the litigant public therefore there is need of a judicious use of taking action under the Prevention of Corruption Act.
Justice K.Veeraswamy the then Chief Justice of Madras High Court was charged for possession of assets disproportionate to his known sources of income and a case was filed against him by the CBI under the Prevention of Corruption Act. The High Court of Madras dismissed his Petition for quashing of the Case against him and referred the matter to the Supreme Court for deciding certain questions of law. The Supreme Court while deciding the case against the delinquent Judge laid down strict guidelines to protect the independence of Judiciary according to which no F.I.R. can be registered against a Judge or Chief Justice of the High Court, or a Judge of the Supreme Court without the sanction of the Chief Justice of India in the matter. It was held that the Supreme Court is not a court of limited jurisdiction of only dispute settling, and that the court has been a law maker and it is the courts responsibility and duty to apply the existing law in a form more conducive to the independence of the judiciary. It was also said that any complaint against a Judge and its investigation by the CBI, if given publicity will have a far reaching impact on the judge and the litigant public therefore there is need of a judicious use of taking action under the Prevention of Corruption Act.
- Judicial Accountability OR Illusion -
The National Judicial Council Bill by Prashant Bhushan - pdf
(8.83 KB)
- Judicial Accountability by Prashant
Bhushan - pdf (9.61 KB)
- Mechanisms of Judicial Accountability
by Justice J.S.Verma - pdf
(11.2 KB)
Judicial Reforms The
current judicial system needs to be cleared of procedural complexities and
hurdles to make it accessible for the common citizens. It must be strengthened
to deliver justice quickly, efficiently and honestly. This section contains
links and updates on various laws and policies (existing and proposed) and an
analysis of the same.
Access of Poor and Delays in Justice
Who do these delays and backlogs impact
the most? How do they impact access to justice? In case of the criminal cases,
the poor people are the most affected. More than 70% of persons inside jails
who are held on suspicion of having committed a crime are not able to pay the
bail amount, which is very high. They are inside the jails for months and
years, as they cannot afford a lawyer. …more
Values and Attitude towards the poor
- Labour
After independence, the concept of social justice was introduced and the labour law developed more as a judgment law. There were various laws but with the intervention of judiciary, the labour law was moving in a progressive direction. The issues concerning the labour matters such as wage, minimum wage, fair wage, employment security, social security, etc. were initiated, right from the Express Newspaper’s case.…more
- Urban
Poor
One broad category of urban poor is the slum dwellers living in unorganized housing sector, having occupation of street vendors, rickshaw pullers, etc. This is the section, which has suffered the maximum onslaught of judicial decision in the recent past. …more
- Rural
Poor
This debate is quite crucial, which is reminiscent of what happened with judiciary during the period when India was trying to abolish Zamindari system and introduce land reforms. While reflecting on the judiciary and its impact on the rural poor, the most popular analysis is the class analysis but one should not confine to it alone, one should also consider caste analysis. We must also remember the indigenous people. …more
- Public
Interest Litigation
It is important to discuss about the reasons for developing a tool like Public Interest Litigation and how it has transformed recently. While criticizing judiciary one must not forget about the executive inactions of last ten years and the recent laws passed by the legislature. It is necessary to substantiate by two examples, one is aquaculture case which permitted the multinational corporations to have their aquaculture activities at the cost of the traditional fishermen. …more
Repeal ARMED FORCES SPECIAL POWERS ACT in North East India
……………………..DECLARATION………………………
Name :
...........................NAGARAJA.M.R.
Address : ...................LIG-2 / 761 , HUDCO FIRST STAGE , OPP
WATER WORKS OFFICE , LAKSHMIKANTANAGAR , HEBBAL , MYSORE - 570017 INDIA
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Owner/Editor/Printer/Publisher : NAGARAJA.M.R.
Nationality : INDIAN
Body Donation : Physical Body of Nagaraja M R , Editor , S.O.S- e – clarion of Dalit & S.O.S-e-Voice for Justice is donated to JSS Medical College , Mysore ( Donation No. 167 dated 22 / 10 / 2003 ) , In case of either Unnatural death or Natural Death at the hands of criminal nexus , my body must be handed over to JSS Medical College , Mysore for the study purposes of medical students.
Eye Donation : Both EYES of Nagaraja M R , Editor , S.O.S- e – clarion of Dalit & S.O.S-e-Voice for Justice are donated to Mysore Eye Bank , Mysore , In case of either Unnatural death or Natural Death at the hands of criminal nexus , my eyes must be handed over to Mysore Eye Bank , Mysore WITHIN 6 Hours for immediate eye transplantation to the needy.Home page :
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Contact : naghrw@yahoo.com , nagarajhrw@hotmail.com ,
Address : ...................LIG-2 / 761 , HUDCO FIRST STAGE , OPP
WATER WORKS OFFICE , LAKSHMIKANTANAGAR , HEBBAL , MYSORE - 570017 INDIA
Professional / Trade Title : S.O.S - e – Clarion Of Dalit
Periodicity : WEEKLY
Circulation : FOR FREE DISTRIBUTION ON WEB
Donations : NOT ACCEPTED. Self financing . Never accepted any donations , subscriptions either for ourselves or on behalf of other organizations / individuals .
Monetary Gains : nil , never made any monetary gain by way of advertisements on my websites or web news paper or otherwise.
Owner/Editor/Printer/Publisher : NAGARAJA.M.R.
Nationality : INDIAN
Body Donation : Physical Body of Nagaraja M R , Editor , S.O.S- e – clarion of Dalit & S.O.S-e-Voice for Justice is donated to JSS Medical College , Mysore ( Donation No. 167 dated 22 / 10 / 2003 ) , In case of either Unnatural death or Natural Death at the hands of criminal nexus , my body must be handed over to JSS Medical College , Mysore for the study purposes of medical students.
Eye Donation : Both EYES of Nagaraja M R , Editor , S.O.S- e – clarion of Dalit & S.O.S-e-Voice for Justice are donated to Mysore Eye Bank , Mysore , In case of either Unnatural death or Natural Death at the hands of criminal nexus , my eyes must be handed over to Mysore Eye Bank , Mysore WITHIN 6 Hours for immediate eye transplantation to the needy.Home page :
http://sites.google.com/site/eclarionofdalit/Home ,
http://groups.google.co.in/group/e-clarion-of-dalit ,
http://e-clarionofdalit.blogspot.com/ ,
http://in.groups.yahoo.com/group/e-clarionofdalit/
Contact : naghrw@yahoo.com , nagarajhrw@hotmail.com ,
UID Aadhaar No : 5703 5339 3479
Cell : 0 9341820313
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I ,NAGARAJA.M.R. hereby do declare that information given above are true to the best of my knowledge & belief. If i am repeatedly called to police station or else where for the sake of investigations , the losses i do incurr as a result like loss of wages , transportation , job , etc must be borne by the government. prevoiusly the police / IB personnel repeatedly called me the complainant (sufferer of injustices) to police station for questioning , but never called the guilty culprits , rich crooks , criminals even once to police station for questioning , as the culprits are high & mighty . this type of one sided questioning must not be done by police or investigating agencies . if anything untoward happens to me or to my family members like loss of job , meeting with hit & run accidents , loss of lives , death due to improper medical care , etc , the jurisdictional police together with above mentioned accussed public servants will be responsible for it. Even if criminal nexus levels fake charges , police file fake cases against me or my dependents to silence me , this complaint is & will be effective.
If I or my family members or my dependents are denied our fundamental rights , human rights , denied proper medical care for ourselves , If anything untoward happens to me or to my dependents or to my family members - In such case Chief Justice of India together with the jurisdictional revenue & police officials will be responsible for it , in such case the government of india is liable to pay Rs. TWO crore as compensation to survivors of my family. if my whole family is eliminated by the criminal nexus ,then that compensation money must be donated to Indian Army Welfare Fund. Afterwards , the money must be recovered by GOI as land arrears from the salary , pension , property , etc of guilty police officials , Judges , public servants & Constitutional fuctionaries.
date : 11.03.2014…………………………..Your's sincerely,
place : India…………………………………...Nagaraja.M.R.
edited , printed , published & owned by NAGARAJA.M.R.
@ : LIG-2 / 761 , HUDCO FIRST STAGE , OPP WATER WORKS OFFICE ,
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