Untouchability - Indian Aparthied
S.O.S - e - Clarion Of Dalit - Weekly Newspaper On Web
Working For The Rights & Survival Of The Oppressed
Editor: NAGARAJ.M.R VOL.3 issue. 14 08 /04 / 2009
Editorial : ANTI-DALIT POLICIES OF PRIVATE I.T.Is IN KARNATAKA -An appeal to H.E. Governor of Karnataka Recently in the last week , Karnataka lokayukta sleuths have caught redhanded the joint director of DG E&T at mysore while taking bribe to sanction financial grant in aid to private I.T.Is. this is the second time that official has been caught by lokayukta sleuths. This is just one case , In DG E&T there is corruption galore , students pay bribe to get attendance , to get internal assessment marks , etc. the staff pay bribe to DG E&T officials to get grants , to get heir monthly salary bills passed , to get affiliations , etc. The problem in private I.T.Is are so acute that , certain institutions promoted by people with political connections don't have adequate training infrastructure for students , staff strength - students to teacher ratio is less than the norm , portions are not thought properly nor completed in time , the students even lack basic necessities like urinals ï¿½ the fate of girl students only god must assist. The miracle such institutions are functioning since years & have even got government financial grant in aid . In such private I.T.Is , the corrupt managements have recruited only forward caste people who can pay bribe . the managements in league with corrupt DG E&T officials have extracted bribes from the staff members to secure government grant in aid , also every month the managements recover 25-30% of salary from the staff without any receipt. The end looser in all these the STUDENTS. How come these private I.T.Is who have only employed forward caste people , lacking adequate teaching infrastructure have got affiliations from the government ? how come they are functioning since years in this fashion ? how come they have got government financial grants , while private I.T.Is run by honest managements providing proper infrastructure to students & employing staff irrespective of religion or caste , are struggling to get government grant in aid ? the miracle is enacted by the people like above stated corrupt ones . Hereby , we urge H.E.GOVERNOR OF KARNATAKA , to provide justice in this case at the earliest. JAI HIND. VANDE MATARAM. Your's sincerely , Nagaraj.M.R.
Manual ScavengingNations Shame Despite laws abolishing the inhuman practice of manual scavenging, over a million dalits in `superpower India' are caught in a vortex of severe social and economic exploitation. Cleaning and carrying headloads of human excreta, these `night soil'... Sunil Kuksal
he social, cultural and economic realities of modern India unfold a series of paradoxes. While a parliamentary law bans the manual scavenging and the government approves projects to wean the underprivileged section away from this dehumanising occupation, cruel caste apartheid and brutalising poverty perpetuate the practice. Furthermore, neo-liberal economic policies restrict alternative possibilities of having a dignified livelihood. The term `manual scavenging' describes the daily work of manually cleaning and removing human faeces from dry (non-flush) latrines across India. Workers, mostly women and young boys, are also referred to as `night soil workers', a Victorian euphemism that hides the repugnance of the word `shit'. In India, manual scavenging is a caste-based occupation carried out by dalits. The manual scavengers have different caste names in different parts of the country: bhangis in Gujarat, pakhis in Andhra Pradesh, and sikkaliars in Tamil Nadu. These communities are invariably placed at the bottom of caste hierarchy, as well as of dalit sub-caste hierarchy. Using a broom, a tin plate and a drum, they clear and carry human excreta from public and private latrines, more often on their heads, to dumping grounds and disposal sites. Though considered illegal, manual scavenging is forced onto dalits by caste pressure. Scavengers earn anywhere between Rs 20 to Rs 160 a month and are exposed to the most virulent forms of viral and bacterial infections that affect their skin, eyes, limbs, respiratory and gastrointestinal systems. Official figures show that there are still 3.43 lakh scavengers in the country. A 2002 report prepared by the International Dalit Solidarity Network, including Human Rights Watch (United States), Navsarjan, (Ahmedabad, Gujarat), and the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR), gave estimates of one million dalit manual scavengers in India. ActionAid India's random survey in 2002 of six states, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Bihar, claimed that manual scavengers were found in at least 30,000 dry toilets. The scavengers belong to the valmiki community and its sub-sects—badhai, charmkar, barguda and bherva. The survey found that the scavengers face severe discrimination even from other dalits. Teashop owners in some villages still keep separate, often broken, utensils to serve valmikis. The national commission for safai karamcharis, a statutory body, pointed in its reports to the use of dry latrines and continued employment of manual scavengers by various departments of the Union of India, particularly the railways, the department of defence and the ministry of industry. While states like Haryana deny employing manual scavengers, other states like Andhra Pradesh employ them through municipalities. The practice is on in almost all states, including Bihar, Maharashtra, Jammu & Kashmir and even Delhi. The Indian railways is one of the largest employers of manual scavengers. Mahatma Gandhi raised the issue of the horrible working and social conditions of bhangis more than 100 years ago in 1901 at the Congress meeting in Bengal. Yet it took about 90 years for the country to enact a uniform law abolishing manual scavenging. The Employment of Manual Scavengers and Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act, 1993 punishes the employment of scavengers or the construction of dry (non-flush) latrines with imprisonment for up to one year and/or a fine of Rs 2,000. Offenders are also liable to prosecution under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. This Act to eradicate a pernicious practice that only dalits were subjected to, aims at restoring the dignity of the individual as enshrined in the Preamble to the Constitution. Given the high prevalence of the illegal practice, the government launched a national scheme in 1992 for identifying, training, and rehabilitating safai karamcharis and allotted substantial funds for this purpose. However, only a handful of scavengers benefited, and the scheme's failure is evident in that there remain more than one million manual scavengers in India. The Act, first enforced in Andhra Pradesh, Goa, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Tripura, West Bengal and all the union territories, made it obligatory to convert dry latrines into water-seal latrines (pour-flush latrines). It was expected that the other states would adopt the Act by passing an appropriate resolution in the legislature under Article 252 of the Constitution. A petition filed in the Supreme Court in 2003 pointed out that the practice persists in many states of the country, and particularly in public sectors like the Indian railways. The petitioners sought the enforcement of fundamental right of persons engaged in this practice guaranteed under Article 17 (right against untouchability) read with Articles 14, 19 and 21, that guarantee equality, freedom, and protection of life and personal liberty, respectively. They urged the Supreme Court to issue time-bound directions to the Union of India and the various states to take effective steps to eliminate the practice of manual scavenging, and to formulate and implement comprehensive plans for rehabilitation of all persons employed as manual scavengers. As the hearing of a public interest petition filed by the safai karamchari andolan, six associated organisations and seven individual manual scavengers, in the Supreme Court has revealed, the number of manual scavengers has increased from 5.88 lakhs in 1992 to 7.87 lakhs. Unofficial surveys estimate that over 12 lakh manual scavengers, of whom 95 percent are dalits, are thrust with the task of this `traditional occupation'. They are considered untouchables by the higher castes and are caught in a vortex of severe social and economic exploitation. During the recent hearing of the case the Supreme Court issued an interim order directing every department/ministry of central and state governments to file an affidavit within six months through a senior officer who would take personal responsibility for verifying the facts. If the affidavit proclaims manual scavenging in a particular department, or public sector undertaking or corporation, then it should indicate a time-bound programme with targets for liberating and rehabilitating all manual scavengers. The court warned the governments against making false statements in these affidavits. The interim order was an expression of the court's impatience with dilatory and insensitive responses from various states and the Centre to the petition. The railways, in its affidavit, admitted that there are approximately 30,000 passenger coaches fitted with open-discharge toilets. The affidavit stated: "A proposal to fit totally sealed toilet systems is also under consideration and various technologies, e.g. biological/vacuum/filtration, etc, shall be tried out. However, no firm dates/time frame can be given for introduction of such system at this stage." The railways claimed that without facilities to make platform tracks concrete and provide washable aprons at all important stations, on track manual scavenging cannot be eradicated. The railways is perhaps the biggest violator of the Act; yet none of the railway ministers has thought it necessary to allocate railway budget funds to implement the Act. According to the national commission for safai karamcharis, progress "has not been altogether satisfactory" and benefited only "a handful of these workers and their dependents. One of the reasons for unsatisfactory progress of the scheme appears to be inadequate attention paid to it by the state governments and concerned agencies." State governments often deny the claim and cite lack of water supply as preventing the construction of flush latrines. This despite the sum of Rs 4,640 lakh (US$116 million) allocated to the scheme under the government's eighth five-year plan. Activists claim that the resources, including government funds, for construction and rehabilitation exist; what is lacking is political will. Members of the national commission for safai karamcharis consider it imperative that the commission be "vested with similar powers and facilities as are available to the national commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes." Currently, the commission has only advisory powers and it has no authority to summon or monitor cases. The political class has failed to exert any will in acknowledging the gravity of the situation and its own duty to eradicate it. Even the central government pleaded lack of resources in failing to implement the law effectively. The judiciary, however, has taken exception to the fact that money was squandered, but yet at the ground level there are no results.
Discrimination Against Dalits in Eastern UP
Eighty years ago, on 20 March 1927, Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar led thousands of Dalits to defy feudal diktats of `untouchability' and drink water at the common pond at Mahar. Today, the Constitution scripted by Dr. Ambedkar declares the rights of Dalits in independent India to be fundamental and inalienable. But all over the country, feudal forces in tandem with the ruling political classes continue to wield feudal discrimination and violence as a weapon against the assertion of Dalits. Untouchability may not have the same social sanction that it once did, but it is still a handy tool to `punish' agrarian labourers (very often Dalit in origin) when they demand their rights. The use of social boycott, ban on the use of common water sources, land, roads and pathways and so on, as well as violent assaults (like massacres by the Ranveer Sena and the attack on Bant Singh) are commonly used to `punish' rural labourers struggling for better wages and social dignity.
A recent struggle in eastern UP reminds us how Dalits even today have to march to reclaim their right to common resources like ponds, and to resist violence not only by feudal forces but also by the newly emergent rural landed rich. The Sonebhadra-Mirzapur area of eastern UP is one where the All India Agrarian Labourers' Association (AIALA) has been very active in mobilising agrarian labourers to struggle for proper implementation of the NREGA and minimum wages. This has signalled a new assertion and awakening of the rural poor, most of whom are Dalits and tribals. In Bhadkuda village in Chunar tehsil, a Dalit labourer Manju Devi demanded payment of pending wages from a neo-rich landlord, and all the agrarian labourers of the village were mobilised in her support. The neo-kulak forces then ganged up to beat up Manju Devi and, to `teach a lesson' to the entire labouring Dalit community, also banned them from access to the common pond in the village. This pond served the personal needs of the Dalits and was also used for their cattle. The Gram Pradhan showed Rs. 99, 000 of the funds allocated for village development to have been used to surround the pond from all sides by a barbed wire fence. His claim was that the fence was needed to protect the crops planted by the Gram Sabha all around the pond. Whereas the fact was that no crops had been planted there at all, and in any case the amount shown to have been used for fencing off the pond (ostensibly to protect crops) was far larger even than that required to sow crops!
CPI(ML) launched a struggle to demand removal of the fencing around the pond and punishment for those who attacked Manju Devi. For two months continuously, dharnas were held from Ahraura to Chunar. Memoranda were submitted to the District Collector and Commissioner several times. In the first fortnight of January itself, the Deputy Collector of Chunar had ordered that the fencing around the pond be removed to allow access the pond, and that the Superintendent of Police register an FIR in the matter of violence against Manju Devi. But it was not so easy for Dalits to receive justice in a feudal society. Eventually the CPI(ML) announced a March from Chunar to Bhadkuda. On March 1, a spirited procession of 3000 people led by CPI(ML) State Secretary Akhilendra Pratap Singh, AICCTU State Secretary Dinkar Kapoor, AIALA State Secretary Shriram Chowdhry CPI(ML)'s District Secretary Nandlal Biyar and others marched from Chunar towards Bhadkuda. The march was stopped by the Administration at Chacheri Tiraha, and the marchers sat on the Mirzapur-Banaras Road. For four hours, there was a massive jam on that road. The Administration then announced its intention to arrest the marchers. A mass meeting took place at the spot of the arrest itself. It was clear to all that the District Administration was not willing to take action against the feudal forces – and was instead ready to arrest those who were demanding basic rights for Dalits. Seeing that over 2000 people were ready to court arrest – including a large number of women, the local Administrative authorities proposed that they would make a token arrest of leaders alone. But the protestors refused, so they were transported in 10 trucks to the Mirzapur Polytechnic Institute. Finding it impossible to keep so many people in jails, the Administration was eventually forced to agree to removing the fence and opening the path to the pond for public access within 24 hours, and to book those who had beaten up Manju Devi under the SC/ST Atrocities (Prevention) Act.
The District Administration's reluctance to restore the rights of the Dalit labourers to the common pond must be attributed to powerful political interests – BJP MLA and former Minister Omprakash Singh as well as Samajwadi Party's local leaders, feudal and neo-kulak forces all joined hands against the assertion of Dalit labourers. In the coming Assembly polls, the polarisation of Dalit agrarian labourers under the banner of CPI(ML) on the one hand and the feudal and neo-kulak forces with the BJP is likely to sharpen.
Who are Dalits? & What is Untouchability?
Who are Dalits?
The word "Dalit" comes from the Sanskrit root dal- and means "broken, ground-down, downtrodden, or oppressed." Those previously known as Untouchables, Depressed Classes, and Harijans are today increasingly adopting the term "Dalit" as a name for themselves. "Dalit" refers to one's caste rather than class; it applies to members of those menial castes which have born the stigma of "untouchability" because of the extreme impurity and pollution connected with their traditional occupations. Dalits are `outcastes' falling outside the traditional four-fold caste system consisting of the hereditary Brahmin, Kshatriya, Vaishya, and Shudra classes; they are considered impure and polluting and are therefore physically and socially excluded and isolated from the rest of society.
Dalits represent a community of 170 million in India, constituting 17% of the population. One out of every six Indians is Dalit, yet due to their caste identity Dalits regularly face discrimination and violence which prevent them from enjoying the basic human rights and dignity promised to all citizens of India. Caste-based social organization extends beyond India, finding corollaries in Nepal, Pakistan, Sri Lanka, and Bangladesh, as well as other countries outside of South Asia (see below). More than 260 million people worldwide suffer from this "hidden apartheid" of segregation, exclusion, and discrimination.
What is "Untouchability"?
India's Constitution abolished "untouchability," meaning that the dominant castes could no longer legally force Dalits to perform any "polluting" occupation. Yet sweeping, scavenging, and leatherwork are still the monopoly of the scheduled castes, whose members are threatened with physical abuse and social boycotts for refusing to perform demeaning tasks. Migration and the anonymity of the urban environment have in some cases resulted in upward occupational mobility among Dalits, but the majority continue to perform their traditional functions. A lack of training and education, as well as discrimination in seeking other forms of employment, has kept these traditions and their hereditary nature alive.
Types of Untouchability Practices & Discrimination
In the name of Untouchability, Dalits face nearly 140 forms of work & descent-based discrimination at the hands of the dominant castes. Here are a few:
• Prohibited from eating with other caste members • Prohibited from marrying with other caste members • Separate glasses for Dalits in village tea stalls • Discriminatory seating arrangements and separate utensils in restaurants • Segregation in seating and food arrangements in village functions and festivals • Prohibited from entering into village temples • Prohibited from wearing sandals or holding umbrellas in front of dominant caste members • Devadasi system - the ritualized temple prostitution of Dalit women • Prohibited from entering dominant caste homes • Prohibited from riding a bicycle inside the village • Prohibited from using common village path • Separate burial grounds • No access to village's common/public properties and resources (wells, ponds, temples, etc.) • Segregation (separate seating area) of Dalit children in schools • Prohibited from contesting in elections and exercising their right to vote • Forced to vote or not to vote for certain candidates during the elections • Prohibiting from hoisting the national flag during Independence or Republic days • Sub-standard wages • Bonded Labor • Face social boycotts by dominant castes for refusing to perform their "duties"
Prevalence of Untouchability Practices & Discrimination
These statistics are taken from a survey of practices of untouchability undertaken in 565 villages in 11 major states of India. They clearly demonstrate that the inhumane and illegal practice of untouchability is still commonplace in contemporary India:
In as many as 38% of government schools, Dalit children are made to sit separately while eating. In 20 percent schools, Dalits children are not even permitted to drink water from the same source. A shocking 27.6% of Dalits were prevented from entering police stations and 25.7% from entering ration shops. 33% of public health workers refused to visit Dalit homes, and 23.5% offor Dalits was found in 30.8% of self-help groups and cooperatives, and 29.6% of panchayat offices. In 14.4% off villages surveyed, Dalits were denied access to polling booths, or forced to form a separate line. In 48.4% of surveyed villages, Dalits were denied access to common water sources. In 35.8%, Dalits were denied entry into village shops. They had to wait at some distance from the shop, the shopkeepers kept the goods they bought on the ground, and accepted their money similarly without direct contact. In teashops, again in about one-third of the villages, Dalits were denied seating and had to use separate cups. In as many as 73% of the villages, Dalits were not permitted to enter non-Dalit homes, and in 70% of villages non-Dalits would not eat together with Dalits. In more than 47% villages, bans operated on wedding processions on public (arrogated as upper-caste) roads. In 10 to 20% of villages, Dalits were not allowed even to wear clean, bright or fashionable clothes or sunglasses. They could not ride their bicycles, unfurl their umbrellas, wear sandals on public roads, smoke or even stand without head bowed. Restrictions on temple entry by Dalits average as high as 64%, ranging from 47 % in UP to 94% in Karnataka. In 48.9% of the surveyed villages, Dalits were barred from access to cremation grounds. In 25% of the villages, Dalits were paid lower wages than other workers. They were also subjected to much longer working hours, delayed wages, verbal and even physical abuse, not just in `feudal' states like Bihar but also notably in Punjab. In 37% of the villages, Dalit workers were paid wages from a distance, to avoid physical contact. In 35% of villages, Dalit producers were barred from selling their produce in local markets. Instead they were forced to sell in the anonymity of distant urban markets where caste identities blur, imposing additional burdens of costs and time, and reducing their profit margin and competitiveness. Dalits still do not get letters delivered in their homes. Segregated seating villages, Dalits were not permitted even to enter the panchayat building. In 12% o
Analogous Systems of Discrimination in Other Countries
Caste and analogous systems of social hierarchy operate across the world, particularly in Asia and Africa, subjecting millions to inhuman treatment on the basis of being born into a certain caste or similar social group. Though the communities themselves may be indistinguishable in appearance from others, unlike with race or ethnicity, socio-economic disparities are glaring, as are the peculiar forms of discrimination practiced against them. It is approximated that around 250 – 300 million people across the world suffer from caste, or work and descent based discrimination, a form of discrimination that impinges on their civil, political, religious, socio-economic and cultural rights. Common features seen in caste and analogous systems across the world include the following: (a) Physical segregation; (b) Social segregation, including prohibition on inter-marriages between caste groups; (c) Assignment of traditional occupations, often being occupations associated with death or filth, coupled with restrictions on occupational mobility; (d) Pervasive debt bondage due to poor remuneration for lower-caste occupations; (e) High levels of illiteracy, poverty and landlessness as compared to so-called higher castes; (f) Impunity for perpetrators of crimes against low-caste communities; (g) Use of degrading language to describe low-caste communities, based on notions of purity and pollution, filth and cleanliness; and (h) Double or triple discrimination against and exploitation of women off sex, class and caste. low castes on the basis o
Below is a list of some communities in other countries around the world facing discrimination due to caste or some analogous social hierarchical system:Bangladesh: Methor community (traditionally sweepers and manual scavengers) Burkina Faso: Bellah community (traditionally slaves, unpaid manual laborers, to other caste `owners') Japan: Buraku community (at the bottom of the Japanese class system; traditionally viewed as filthy and/or non-human) Kenya: Watta community (traditionally considered low, worthless, and consigned to a life offrom birth) Mauritania: Haratin community (these `black moors' are considered slaves to the Bidan, or `white moors', in Mauritanian society) Nepal: Dalit community (situation is essentially the same as that of Dalits in India) Nigeria: Osu community (traditionally the Osu people are `owned' by deities and considered as outcaste, untouchable, and sub-human) Pakistan: Dalit community (like Dalits in India except in Muslim society there is no concept off privilege and shame used instead) Rwanda: Twa community (at bottom of social hierarchy with no legal protections from discrimination and no representation in positions of power/authority) Senegal: Neeno & Nyamakalaw communities (largely blacksmiths and leatherworkers, they are considered impure and face explicit segregation and exclusion) Somalia: Midgan community (minority outcaste group facing violence, refusal of rights, and possessing no legal protections) Sri Lanka: Rodi/Rodiya & Pallar/Paraiyar communities (these groups face discrimination in employment, practices of social distance, and denial of access to resources) servitude ritual pollution; concepts o
The great social scientist and Dalit activist, Gail Omvedt had written a letter to the Kannada Brahmin capitalist N.R.Naryana Murthy to introduce reservations for Dalits in his company Infosys. India's so called wealth creating companies like Infosys, Wipro and Tata Consultancy are owned, controlled and run by Brahmins and upper castes. Narayan Murthy did not even have the decency to reply to Gail Omvedt and tore the letter and threw it in the dustbin. This is not new for people like us in Dalit Nation. We have innumerable instances of Brahmins running over us Dalits. This Brahmin from Mysore is no exception and works under the rules set by his Jati Dharma which is another name for Manudharma.
The Dalits are poorly represented in the private sector institutes in India. The Dalits and OBCs could get Government jobs due to the reservation policy of Ambedkar. The wily Brahmin prime minister Narasimha Rao commissioned the upper caste Khatri Sikh Manmohan Singh as the finance minister in 1991. Manmohan Singh, current Prime Minister of India created the liberalization and globalization policy of India to protect Manudharma which is Hindu caste system and destroy the socialistic ideals of Babasaheb Ambedkar.
The Brahmins and Banias capitalized from the liberalization policy. They worked through the American multinationals to get subsidized land and tax exemption for their industries. The Mittals, Ambanis and Tatas made huge amounts of money using the resources of our land. What did the Bahujans gain from this. Absolutely nothing.
The IT industry is the darling of the Brahmins. The Brahmins and Jews cheated the world by claiming that in year 2000 all the computers will shut down. They created the Y2K problem. Using this Y2k myth they made a lot of money and set up bodyshopping in India. Body Shopping is like slave trade where the companies send engineers to work in American and European multinationals. It is a kind of prostitution and Vaidiks are very good in this as they even converted their temples into Brothels (Read our article - Devadasis were degraded Buddhist Nuns). The companies like Infosys, Wipro, Tata Consultancy, Satyam Computers are body shopping firms. They slave for American capitalists. They do not have any software product owned and created by them. But still these upper caste people claim that India is a software superpower. In Dalit Nation we have always said that slaves can never be superpowers. These software slaves are not emperors but just coolies. But they are darlings of Manuwadi media. They even wanted this wily Narayan Murthy to become the president of India. President for what. To sell the country to multinationals and turn it into a brothel.
The private sectors has indeed become the agraharam of Brahmins and upper caste. Companies like Reliance, Tata and Infosys cheat the government and make profit in millions. They have no concern for the starving masses of India. It is high time that we Dalits start to work towards introducing reservation in private sector. These private sector exploiters should be taught a lesson. The Dalits and Bahujans should teach them a lesson. The Tatas have been shown the way in Singur. Mayavathi has protested against Reliance retail chain which will disenfarnchise several Dalits who sell vegetables for a living. When are we going to agitate against these companies like Infosys and Wipro.
Our only hope is to get Mayavathi as the Prime Minister in the next election to implement reservations for Dalits in the private sector. It should be mandatory to reserve 26% for Dalits, 27% for OBCs and 13% for Muslims. We need to bring in more regulation in the private sector as they are dens of exploitation and corruption. When Dalits try to apply jobs in these companies the HR people will screen by the names and do not even allow them to be interviewed. Gail Omvedt who has done a very good study on Brahmin deception has mentioned that in Poona computer engineers are synonymous with Brahmins. If it is a Muslim they would not even allow them inside their five star campuses. If you want to see Manudharma in action visit any of these five star campuses of Softwatre companies.
We in Dalit Nation pledge to support Gail Omvedt in her struggle against the upper caste capitalists. We want to make a clear statement that she is not alone and she has the whole Dalit Nation behind her. Together we will unite the Dalits, OBCs, Muslims and Christians and eradicate the untouchability of the Bahujans in these private sector firms.
The most backward , neglected among the backward caste people - SCAVENGERS
- an appeal to honourable supreme court of
A human being can be in a civilized form , healthy - if we have scavengers to clean our toilets , drainages , if we have barbers to cut our hairs. The very same people who keep us healthy & civilized are not treated in a civilized manner by the society , why ? most of the town municipalities , city corporations are employing scavengers on daily wages without any statuotary benefits & are paid less than the statuotary minimum wages. every towns & cities in
Hereby, we appeal to honourable supreme court of India to treat this as a PUBLIC INTEREST LITIGATION & to order government of India , all state governments , statuotary bodies like city corporations , town municiapalities , etc,
1. to regularize the jobs of all scavengers , to provide all statuotary benefits like ESI,PF, etc.
2. to take all necessary steps to eradicate manual scavenging - carrying human excreta on heads.
3. to take all necessary steps to protect their health & occupational safety.
Bottomline : all the citizens , the society must learn to respect their brethren who keeps them healthy , tidy & civilized.
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